Prof. Inukonda Thirumali
The point I was making was that the working class is no longer a political factor in democracy except as voters. They are not a revolutionary force any more. Rural or agrarian labour becomes crucial for democracy? Peasants in general are Shudras; the labourers are basically scheduled castes and also lower caste Shudras (service castes, artisans, and recently nomads too). The agrarian transformation in the last 30 years has widened the "class" gulf between the upper caste peasants, who represent the agrarian capital, and the others, who are representatives of labour power.
Out of a total of 1.46 crore acres of agricultural land, 44.41 lakh acres are owned by OCs, a small group; 71.47 lakh are owned by OBCs, the largest group; 13.53 lakh are owned by SCs; and 19.29 lakh are owned by STs. The total number of peasants who own 25 acres above is 5,861; most of them are superior castes. 73% of peasants own less than 2.5 acres; they are primarily OBCs. Scheduled castes are still primarily labourers.
The Green Revolution and the use of pesticides significantly changed the agrarian scene. One can notice in the villages pucca cement structures, ploughs, bullocks, carts, and pump sets from the last decade of the 20th century. That indicates the emergence of capitalist farmers. Today, in the 21st century, with increasing cultivation of groundnuts, mirchi, cotton, and rice, the rural scene has changed to use tractors, two-wheelers, and autos in the countryside. The peasants appear in pants and shirts and go to the farm on two wheelers. Opulence is spreading. Rythubandu is given not as an accident but politically to build rural Telangana on the power of Shudra peasants. They are now entering the real estate business, buying poor peasant lands. In the next 10 years, new villages will be developed as ideal living spaces.
The lower castes have fast lost their caste profession and become full-time labourers; they work as migrant labourers during the off-season. They migrated to towns as rikshawalas, vegetable venders, painters, masons, collectors of plastic bags, safai workers, domestic workers, and watchmen at flats. Yet they did not give up the village connections. And many who live in the huts scramble to known labour markets in the city (I know of ones at Tolichwoki, Manikonda, and Narsingi). They are not yet working class, and they are not part of so-called trade unions. They are voters in the villages. This segment of the caste association participated in the Telangana movement, expecting change in their lives. This social class shall be the base of new politics. How to resolve their existential lives and bring about relative parity with the growing power of the agrarian capital shall be the basis of smajika telangana.
That is why samajika telangana shall be on the agenda.
Out of a total of 1.46 crore acres of agricultural land, 44.41 lakh acres are owned by OCs, a small group; 71.47 lakh are owned by OBCs, the largest group; 13.53 lakh are owned by SCs; and 19.29 lakh are owned by STs. The total number of peasants who own 25 acres above is 5,861; most of them are superior castes. 73% of peasants own less than 2.5 acres; they are primarily OBCs. Scheduled castes are still primarily labourers.
The Green Revolution and the use of pesticides significantly changed the agrarian scene. One can notice in the villages pucca cement structures, ploughs, bullocks, carts, and pump sets from the last decade of the 20th century. That indicates the emergence of capitalist farmers. Today, in the 21st century, with increasing cultivation of groundnuts, mirchi, cotton, and rice, the rural scene has changed to use tractors, two-wheelers, and autos in the countryside. The peasants appear in pants and shirts and go to the farm on two wheelers. Opulence is spreading. Rythubandu is given not as an accident but politically to build rural Telangana on the power of Shudra peasants. They are now entering the real estate business, buying poor peasant lands. In the next 10 years, new villages will be developed as ideal living spaces.
The lower castes have fast lost their caste profession and become full-time labourers; they work as migrant labourers during the off-season. They migrated to towns as rikshawalas, vegetable venders, painters, masons, collectors of plastic bags, safai workers, domestic workers, and watchmen at flats. Yet they did not give up the village connections. And many who live in the huts scramble to known labour markets in the city (I know of ones at Tolichwoki, Manikonda, and Narsingi). They are not yet working class, and they are not part of so-called trade unions. They are voters in the villages. This segment of the caste association participated in the Telangana movement, expecting change in their lives. This social class shall be the base of new politics. How to resolve their existential lives and bring about relative parity with the growing power of the agrarian capital shall be the basis of smajika telangana.
That is why samajika telangana shall be on the agenda.
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