Peoples Telangana

Prof. Devaraju Maharaju The Origins of the Gujjars The region where the Gurjars or Gujjars settled eventually came to be known as Gujarat. Animal husbandry and agriculture were once their primary occupations. The term "Gurjars" does not refer to a single caste or religion. It is a broad group comprising people of various faiths and languages — among them Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. They speak many languages, including Gojri, Gujarati, Hindi, Kashmiri, Punjabi, Urdu, Pashto, Haryanvi, Sindhi, Bhojpuri, Marathi, and Balochi. Beyond India, significant Gujjar populations are also found in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Within the community, Rajputs, Jats, Ahirs, and Indo-Aryans are all represented. There was once a Gurjar kingdom — around 570 CE — in the area that is now Rajasthan. The term "Gurjar" first appears in Banabhatta's Harshacharita , written around 630 CE. According to the accounts of Chinese travelers who visited India during the reign of Emperor Hars...

    T.Chiranjeevulu IAS (Ret), President and Founder BCIF(BC Intellectuals Forum) On the occasion of Doddi Komaraiah's birth anniversary, the Telangana armed peasant struggle began on this very day. On April 3rd, 1946, he was martyred, and from that moment forward, the Telangana armed peasant struggle commenced and continued until 1951. This struggle was waged against feudalism and the tyranny of the Nizam in Telangana, during which 4,000 people lost their lives. Thousands of villages were liberated from feudal lords — primarily zamindars, deshmuks, deshpandes, and patwardis. Approximately ten lakh acres of land were redistributed through this movement. When we compare the social and economic conditions of Telangana then with those of today, we find that the exploitation which existed then continues in much the same form today. While the nature of exploitation has evolved and people now speak with somewhat greater freedom, the Backward Classes (BCs) remain completely marginali...

Nagesh Bhushan The 30% Invisible: The Surprising Policy Gap Facing India’s Largest Entrepreneurial Bloc India’s Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprise (MSME) sector is the engine room of the national economy, and within that engine, Other Backward Class (OBC) entrepreneurs provide the highest torque. Owning approximately 30% of all registered units, they are the silent middle—the backbone of industrial clusters in Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Rajasthan. Yet, when the hood is lifted on India’s affirmative action framework, this massive bloc remains strangely invisible. Imagine a high-performance vehicle where the most critical gears receive the least maintenance. While the state has constructed robust safety nets and "fast lanes" for other marginalized groups, the OBC entrepreneurial class operates in a policy blind spot. They are politically significant enough to sway national elections, yet they find themselves working without the institutional scaffolding that supports the...

  T. Chiranjeevulu, IAS (Ret) . Founder President BCIF( BC Intellectuals Forum) Recently, some BJP leaders have been commenting that "reservations are being given to Muslims on a religious basis, which is against the spirit of the Constitution."   First, one thing must be made clear — The Indian Constitution does not permit religious-based reservations. That is a fact.   However, the same Constitution used the broad term "Backward Classes." This term is not limited to caste alone, nor is it restricted to any single religion. The Constitution provides the opportunity to identify socially and educationally backward sections within any religion as BCs (Backward Classes).   The Indra Sawhney Judgment — A Clear Directive In the Indra Sawhney (1992) judgment, delivered in the context of the Mandal Commission's implementation, a 9-judge Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court clarified a crucial point — Backward Classes is a classification that trans...

What emerges from the record is not a state in collapse, nor one rebuilding a carbon copy of what was destroyed. Iran is doing something more strategically interesting: conducting a doctrinal audit in real time, explicitly debating whether Mosaic Defence needs to be deepened, revised, or replaced. The answers being given by different factions inside the regime are not the same — which itself tells us something important about the political dynamics shaping reconstitution.  The doctrinal debate: deepen, revise, or abandon? The most important analytical development is that Iran's post-war internal discourse has made the doctrinal debate explicit rather than tacit. This is unusual — states rarely publish their strategic self-criticism so transparently — and it gives us unusually direct insight into the reconstitution logic. The clearest doctrinal signal came from IRGC analyst Khani in October 2025. Khani proposed expanding former IRGC Commander Major General Mohammad Ali J...

 By T. Chiranjeevulu IAS(Ret), Founder President BCIF( BC Intellectuals Forum) The BC Wave in Bar Council and Bar Association Elections — What Does It Signify? A new chapter is being written in the socio-political history of Telangana. It is the expansion of the ideology known as "BC-ism" (Backward Classes advocacy). This voice, once limited to a few platforms, has remarkably spread from Gram Sabhas to the State Legislature, and from student unions to judicial forums. This is not merely a slogan—it is social consciousness, a political direction, and a movement for self-respect. It is a clear reflection of the sentiment: "Our share proportional to our numbers." A key shift was seen in recent Assembly sessions where several MLAs and MLCs raised questions regarding budget allocations for BCs. In the past, BC issues were rarely heard at this scale in the legislature. Now, the situation has changed. BCs are emerging not just as voters, but as a force capable of influenc...