BJP appears to have a stronger focus on the welfare of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) compared to the Congress

The BJP appears to have a stronger focus on the welfare of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) compared to the Congress. Currently, 27% of BJP candidates are from OBC backgrounds, slightly higher than Congress's 24.8%

. The BJP has also appointed more OBC chief ministers (30.9%) compared to Congress (17.2%) and has a larger number of OBC ministers in the Union Council

. However, Congress has historically implemented significant policies for OBCs, such as the OBC quota in education, but struggles to claim credit for these initiatives

Historically, the approaches of the BJP and Congress toward OBC representation have differed significantly:

1. BJP's Strategy: The BJP has actively promoted OBC leaders within its ranks, resulting in a higher number of OBC chief ministers and ministers. The party's rise coincided with a period of increased OBC political assertion, effectively capitalizing on this demographic to enhance its electoral base
   
   
   The BJP has also framed its leadership, like Narendra Modi, as representative of OBC interests, reinforcing its appeal among these communities
   
   
2. Congress's Historical Context: Conversely, Congress has struggled to engage effectively with OBCs. Although it initiated the Mandal Commission's recommendations in 1990, it failed to capitalize on this momentum due to internal dynamics and a historical focus on upper-caste alliances
   . The party has often missed opportunities to strengthen its ties with OBCs, leading to lower representation within its leadership compared to the BJP

The BJP has taken several strategic moves to empower OBC leaders:

1. Leadership Representation: The party has appointed numerous OBC leaders to significant positions, including chief ministers and ministers, enhancing visibility and influence within the party structure 
   
   
2. Targeted Welfare Programs: Initiatives like scholarships and support for small businesses owned by OBCs have been launched to address economic disparities and promote entrepreneurship within the community 
   
   
3. Caste Census Support: The BJP has shifted its stance to endorse an OBC survey, aiming to gather data that can inform policies and bolster its outreach efforts 
   
   
4. Micro Outreach Strategies: The party is focusing on smaller OBC subcastes in key constituencies, implementing tailored outreach programs to solidify its electoral base 
   
   
5. Reconstitution of Commissions: In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP is revamping the state commission for backward classes to better address OBC concerns and enhance policy influence 
   
   

These strategies collectively aim to position the BJP as a champion of OBC interests.

The Congress party's lower representation of OBCs can be attributed to several key factors:

1. Internal Leadership Dynamics: The party has faced criticism for lacking representation from OBCs in leadership roles, particularly in states like Haryana, where no general secretary or Congress Working Committee member is from the backward classes
   
   
2. Historical Shift in Voter Base: The implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations in the 1990s led to a shift of OBC voters towards other parties, diminishing Congress's traditional support among these communities
   
   
3. Limited Candidate Selection: Despite advocating for OBC rights, only 23% of Congress candidates belong to the OBC community, indicating a disconnect between rhetoric and actual representation
   
   
4. Focus on Upper-Caste Alliances: Historically, Congress has relied heavily on upper-caste alliances, which has sidelined OBC interests and candidates within the party
   
   

These factors collectively contribute to the Congress's struggle to maintain a strong OBC representation in its ranks.

The Congress party's historical neglect of OBCs can be traced to several key reasons:

1. Delayed Policy Implementation: Although the first Backward Classes Commission was established in 1953, Congress failed to act on its recommendations, missing early opportunities to support OBC representation and reservations
   
   
2. Shift in Political Alliances: The rise of leaders like Ram Manohar Lohia and Chaudhary Charan Singh attracted OBC support away from Congress, particularly after the 1960s, as Congress struggled to adapt to changing political dynamics
   
   
3. Opposition to Mandal Recommendations: When the Mandal Commission's recommendations were finally addressed in the late 1980s, Congress was slow to embrace them, allowing rival parties to take credit for OBC empowerment initiatives
   
   
4. Focus on Upper-Caste Alliances: Historically, Congress prioritized alliances with upper-caste groups, sidelining OBC interests and limiting their representation within the party
   
   

These factors collectively contributed to Congress's lower engagement with OBC communities over time.

Key policy changes initiated by the Congress party that benefited OBCs include:

1. Reservation Policies: The implementation of a 27% reservation for OBCs in government jobs and educational institutions, following the Mandal Commission's recommendations in 1992.
2. Scholarship Programs: Doubling funds for scholarships specifically for OBC students, aimed at enhancing access to higher education and supporting students studying abroad.
3. Socio-Economic Caste Census: A commitment to conduct a nationwide census to gather data on OBCs, which will inform targeted policies and affirmative action.
4. Constitutional Amendments: Plans to amend the constitution to raise the 50% cap on reservations, thereby increasing opportunities for OBCs in various sectors.
5. Regularization of Jobs: Initiatives to abolish contractual employment in government roles, ensuring regularization for workers, including those from OBC backgrounds