There is no doubt that the British, who ruled India for 200 years, significantly benefited the marginalized sections of Indian society in the fields of education and social welfare. In a society oppressed by age-old regressive customs, where weaker sections like Shudras and women faced numerous injustices, the British introduced several laws to uplift them and eradicate these injustices. Similarly, many princely state rulers in the 19th and 20th centuries implemented reforms to bring marginalized communities, including minorities and women, onto the path of progress through various legislative measures.
In 1902, Shahu Maharaj, the successor of Shivaji Maharaj and ruler of Kolhapur State, became the first in India to reserve 50% of government jobs for non-Brahmin communities. Likewise, in 1921, Mysore Maharaja Krishna Wadiyar allocated 70% of jobs to non-Brahmins, paving the way for an equitable society. In both instances, these reservations included women, Shudras, and Muslim castes. Following this, the Madras Communal Award of 1927 and the British Communal Award of 1938 ensured representation for Muslims and lower castes in governance. After the Indian Constitution came into effect in 1950, Articles 15(4), 16(4), and 46 were enacted to provide reservations in education and employment for socially and educationally backward castes, aiming to bring them onto the path of development.
In 1954, the first Backward Classes Commission, the Kaka Kalelkar Commission, identified 2,208 castes, including some Muslim BC castes, as backward. In 1990, the Mandal Commission recognized that 43% of India’s population comprised Hindu BCs and 8% were Muslim BCs. The Government of India accepted these findings and implemented OBC reservations accordingly. In the united Andhra Pradesh, five Muslim BC castes were included in both state and central OBC lists after 1972, including castes like Dudekula, Pinjari, Laddafi, and Katika. In 2004, an additional 14 Muslim castes were included as BCs in united Andhra Pradesh.
OBC Reservations for Muslims in BJP-Ruled States
In BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh (68 Muslim BC castes), Gujarat (40), Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra, several Muslim BC castes were included in OBC lists in the past. Currently, over 200 Muslim BC castes are part of the central government’s OBC list, with reservations being implemented for them.
Central Ministers—Violation of Oath to Uphold the Constitution
Union Ministers from Telangana, Bandi Sanjay and Kishan Reddy, along with several BJP MPs and MLAs, have repeatedly demanded the removal of Muslim castes from the 42% BC reservations proposed by the Telangana state government in education and employment. They have also stated that if Muslim castes are excluded, the central government would immediately approve the 42% BC reservation laws. This stance contradicts the oath taken under Article 74 to uphold and respect the Constitution, which emphasizes equality, secularism, and justice. It is deeply regrettable that these ministers, representing the same Constitution that approved OBC reservations, are making unconstitutional statements and creating confusion among the public.
Sikh Community—SC, ST, OBC Reservations
The Government of India and states like Punjab have been providing SC, ST, and OBC reservations to Sikhs based on their caste’s educational and social backwardness and issues of untouchability. Can these be considered religious reservations? Do these Union Ministers have the courage to label Sikhs as belonging to "other religions" in the same manner?
Brahmin Castes in India—OBC ReservationsIn states like Madhya Pradesh (Joshi, Gaur, Sanadya) and Karnataka (Arivelu), around 15 Brahmin castes have been granted OBC reservations due to their educational and social backwardness. OBC reservations are based solely on caste, educational, and social backwardness, with no relation to religion.
Upper Caste Poor—EWS Reservations
While 60% of India’s population comprises BCs, they are allocated only 27% reservations, whereas upper castes, constituting less than 12% of the population, have been granted 10% reservations in education and employment under the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) category. Why are our Union Ministers silent on this issue? The competition in the EWS quota clearly indicates that upper-caste poor constitute less than 2% of the population. There is an urgent need for a comprehensive analysis and appropriate reservation policies, which is the responsibility of the Government of India.
Based on the above, it is evident that reservations in India are not based on religion but solely on educational and social backwardness across various castes and communities, a practice rooted in history and constitutionally valid. We urge BJP leaders and responsible Union Ministers to support the 42% BC reservations proposed by the Telangana government and press the central government to approve them, thereby leading Telangana toward development. Failure to do so may lead to the wrath of the marginalized sections, potentially pushing the BJP into political oblivion.
Alla Ramakrishna
Retired Chief Engineer, Vishranta
9966944244
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