Skip to main content

Over 90% in Hindi-belt States speak only one language, rest of India is more bilingual: Data

 

Data shows that people in non-Hindi States are more willing to learn and speak new languages, while the same cannot be said for those in the Hindi belt.

Updated - March 06, 2025 04:22 pm IST

Madurai, Tamil Nadu: Students honing writing skills at Dr. T. Thirugnanam Primary School | Photo Credit: R. Ashok

The latest exchanges between Tamil Nadu and the Centre over Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) funds have reignited the long-standing language debate. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin has reaffirmed the State’s opposition to Hindi imposition and reiterated its commitment to the two-language policy.

Advertisement
Advertisement

Meanwhile, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan has dismissed allegations of Hindi imposition, defending the policy’s intent. “Tamil is one of the oldest languages of our civilisation. But what is wrong if a student in Tamil Nadu will learn multilingual aspects in education? It can be Tamil, English and other Indian languages. There is no imposition of Hindi or any other language on them. Some friends in Tamil Nadu are doing politics,” he had said in February. 

If we strip away the details, the core tension once again revolves around a question that has long gripped non-Hindi belt states — especially those in the South — whether implementing the three-language formula indirectly imposes Hindi. An equally important question arises—regardless of whether the three-language formula amounts to an imposition—does data on development indices make a stronger case for English as the link language over Hindi?

Put differently, should native Hindi speakers be encouraged to learn English for broader access and mobility, or should non-Hindi speakers be asked to learn Hindi, for their supposed “benefit”? Data offers valuable insights into the underlying dynamics.

Multilingualism among States

First, data indicates that non-Hindi speakers are generally more open to learning new languages, whereas Hindi speakers exhibit lower multilingualism. Charts 1 and 2, based on data from the 1991 and 2011 Language Census, illustrate this contrast. Chart 1 presents the share of monolinguals—individuals who speak only their native language (first language/mother tongue)—across select States. Chart 2 presents the proportion of bi/trilinguals—those who speak more than one language—among native language speakers in the same States.

Chart 1 | The chart presents the share of monolinguals-individuals who speak only their native language (first language/mother tongue)-across select States.

For instance, in 1991, 84.5% of native Tamil speakers in Tamil Nadu (those who speak Tamil as their first language in the state) were monolingual, a figure that dropped to 78% by 2011. Similarly, the share of native Odia speakers in Odisha who were monolingual declined from 86% to 74.5%.

Similar trends can be observed among Marathi speakers in Maharashtra, Punjabi speakers in Punjab, Gujarati speakers in Gujarat, Telugu speakers in Andhra Pradesh, and other non-Hindi-speaking States, indicating a steady shift toward multilingualism.

In contrast, States where Hindi is the predominant first language already had a high share of monolinguals, and in many cases, this share increased over time. For instance, in 1991, 90.2% of Hindi speakers in undivided Bihar were monolingual. By 2011, in the divided Bihar, this figure had risen to 95.2%.

Similarly, in Rajasthan, the share of monolinguals among Hindi speakers increased from 93% in 1991 to 94.3% in 2011. A comparable trend can be observed among Hindi speakers in Uttar Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh as well. 

Chart 2 presents the inverse of Chart 1, illustrating the share of native language speakers who are bi- or trilingual. Together, these charts reveal a clear pattern: non-Hindi speakers are generally more open to learning new languages, whereas native Hindi speakers show a lower tendency toward multilingualism.

Chart 2 | The chart presents the share of bi/trilinguals-individuals who speak at least one language other than their native language (first language/mother tongue)-across select States.

English as a choice

With this pattern established, Charts 3 and 4 examine the choice of second and third languages among multilinguals in each state. Chart 3 shows the share of English speakers among native language speakers in 1991 and 2011. For example, in Tamil Nadu, 13.5% of native Tamil speakers also spoke English in 1991, a figure that rose to 18.5% by 2011. In contrast, in Haryana, the share of native Hindi speakers who also spoke English declined from 17.5% to 14.6% over the same period.

Chart 3 | The chart shows the share of English speakers among native language speakers

A similar trend of declining or stagnating English proficiency can be observed across several Hindi-belt states, while non-Hindi-speaking states saw an increase in English speakers. Notably, the sharpest rise in English proficiency occurred in Tamil Nadu, Odisha, and Punjab, whereas the increase was more modest in states like Gujarat and Maharashtra.

Chart 4 shows the share of Hindi speakers among native language speakers in each state between 1991 and 2011. For instance, in Tamil Nadu, only 0.5% of native Tamil speakers also spoke Hindi in 1991, a figure that rose slightly to 1.3% in 2011. In Karnataka, the share of native Kannada speakers who also spoke Hindi remained stagnant at around 8.5% across both years.

Chart 4 | The chart shows the share of Hindi speakers among native language speakers.

In contrast, the share of native language speakers who also spoke Hindi saw a significant increase in Gujarat and Maharashtra. In Gujarat, the proportion of native Gujarati speakers who also spoke Hindi rose from 21.6% in 1991 to 39% in 2011. A similar trend was observed in Maharashtra, where the share of native Marathi speakers who also spoke Hindi grew from 35.7% to 43.5%.

Charts 3 and 4 establish another clear pattern: the choice of second and third languages varied significantly across non-Hindi-speaking states. In the southern states, a higher proportion of people opted for English as their additional language, with only a marginal increase in Hindi speakers. In contrast, in the western and eastern states, the increase in English speakers was relatively modest, while the number of people acquiring Hindi grew significantly.

Interestingly, the increase in English speakers has not come at the cost of Hindi speakers in non-Hindi States, unlike in Hindi-speaking regions where English adoption has been more muted. As seen in Chart 4, the share of Hindi speakers among native speakers has stayed relatively stable.

This divergence helps explain why resistance to Hindi is more pronounced in the southern states, while opposition remains more muted in other regions.

Hindi or English

This brings us back to the core utilitarian question: which language best equips citizens in their pursuit of better opportunities? A comparison of Human Development Index (HDI) scores across states and union territories reveals a clear trend—regions with a higher share of English speakers tend to have higher HDI scores (Chart 6), while states with a greater proportion of Hindi speakers generally exhibit lower HDI scores (Chart 5). This suggests a positive correlation between a higher standard of living and a greater prevalence of English proficiency. 

Chart 5 | The chart plots the share of Hindi speakers in 2011 against the HDI scores in 2022. The bigger the dot, the higher the population in the State

Chart 6 | The chart plots the share of English speakers in 2011 against the HDI scores in 2022. The bigger the dot, the higher the population in the State

Migration data further reinforces this pattern. Reports from the Economic Advisory Council to the PM and the Multiple Indicator Survey indicate that a significant number of people from Hindi-speaking states are moving to non-Hindi-speaking regions in search of better economic opportunities. This trend suggests that states with higher English proficiency and better development indicators are attracting more migrants — another factor which bats for English to be the link language and not Hindi. 

Note: In Charts 1, 2, 3, and 4, only speakers of the majority native language in each State were considered for analysis, excluding those who spoke other languages. For instance, in Tamil Nadu, the analysis focused solely on individuals who identified Tamil as their first language. These speakers accounted for 86.7% of the State’s population in 1991 and 88.4% in 2011.

Source: Language census and the Global Data Lab

vignesh.r@thehindu.co.in

sambavi.p@thehindu.co.in

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Unveiling the "Real Majority" of India

Unveiling the "Real Majority": Divya Dwivedi’s Critique of the Hindu Majority Narrative * In contemporary Indian discourse, the notion of a "Hindu majority" is often taken as an unassailable fact, with official statistics frequently citing approximately 80% of India’s population as Hindu. This framing shapes political campaigns, cultural narratives, and even national identity. However, philosopher and professor at IIT Delhi, Divya Dwivedi, challenges this narrative in her provocative and incisive work, arguing that the "Hindu majority" is a constructed myth that obscures the true social composition of India. For Dwivedi, the "real majority" comprises the lower-caste communities—historically marginalized and oppressed under the caste system—who form the numerical and social backbone of the nation. Her critique, developed in collaboration with philosopher Shaj Mohan, offers a radical rethinking of Indian society, exposing the mechanisms of power t...

Mallanna Unleashes TRP: A New Dawn for Marginalized Voices in Telangana's Power Game

On September 17, 2025, Chintapandu Naveen Kumar, popularly known as Teenmar Mallanna—a prominent Telugu journalist, YouTuber, and former Congress MLC—launched the Telangana Rajyadhikara Party (TRP) in Hyderabad at the Taj Krishna Hotel. The event, attended by Backward Classes (BC) intellectuals, former bureaucrats, and community leaders, marked a significant moment for marginalized groups in Telangana. Mallanna, suspended from Congress in March 2025 for anti-party activities (including criticizing and burning the state's caste survey report), positioned TRP as a dedicated platform for BCs, Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), minorities, and the economically weaker sections. The party's vision emphasizes "Samajika Telangana" (a socially just Telangana) free from fear, hunger, corruption, and prejudice, with a focus on inclusive development and responsible governance. Key highlights from the launch: Symbolism : The date coincided with Periyar Jayanti and V...

Casteist Indian Bankers: Caste Bias Still Haunts Indian Banking

The Problem: Caste discrimination continues to plague the Indian banking sector, limiting access to credit for millions of lower-caste citizens. Data Point: A study  found that Scheduled Tribes (STs) face a 5-7% lower loan approval rate compared to higher castes, even after controlling for socioeconomic factors. How it Works: Discrimination in Action: Lower-caste individuals often encounter: Higher rejection rates for loan applications. Smaller loan amounts compared to higher-caste applicants. Less favorable terms, such as higher interest rates and stricter collateral requirements. The "Depositors, Not Borrowers" Mindset: Banks often view lower-caste individuals primarily as depositors, not as creditworthy borrowers. The Impact: Limited Economic Mobility: Restricted access to credit hampers entrepreneurship, reduces income growth, and perpetuates poverty cycles within marginalized communities. Reliance on Informal Lenders: The lack of access to formal ba...