Peoples Telangana

https://tcpd.ashoka.edu.in/sy-quraishi-debunks-the-myth-of-indias-rising-muslim-population   High fertility rate means nothing considering the chasm between the two communities in terms of numbers. While there were 30 crore more Hindus than Muslims in 1951, the gap had increased to over 80 crores by 2011. To illustrate this, he presents a mathematical model of the projected rise of Hindu and Muslim population in 2021. A mathematical model prepared by two distinguished mathematicians - Dinesh Singh, former vice chancellor of Delhi University, and Professor Ajay Kumar, of K.R. Mangalam University - suggests that the Muslim population will never exceed the Hindu population in India. A mathematical model prepared by two distinguished mathematicians - Dinesh Singh, former vice chancellor of Delhi University, and Professor Ajay Kumar, of K.R. Mangalam University - suggests that the Muslim population will never exceed the Hindu population in India. (The Population Myth | Harper Colli...

India's women's reservation law promises much. For marginalised women, it may deliver little IN 2016 A newly elected Dalit woman sarpanch (village head) in Haryana was barred from her own office. She conducted panchayat meetings sitting on the floor outside while her upper-caste male deputy presided within. Such indignities are common for women from India's Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and religious minorities who enter politics. Together these groups form roughly 70% of India's population. Yet they remain strikingly absent from its legislatures. The numbers are damning. In the 2019 Lok Sabha, women held just 14.4% of seats. Of these 78 female MPs, barely a dozen were from Scheduled Castes, fewer than ten from Scheduled Tribes, and exactly one was Muslim. OBC women are harder to track—India does not publish caste-disaggregated data for MPs—but estimates suggest 20-25, mostly from dominant castes like Yadavs and Jats. S...

India’s economy posted a  real‑GDP gain of 8.2 %  in the July‑September quarter – the strongest pace in six quarters and well above the Reserve Bank of India’s 7 % projection. The figure, confirmed by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, has sparked a flurry of commentary across the global press, from Wall Street to Westminster. A Broad‑Based Upswing The growth was not confined to a single sector. Manufacturing rebounded sharply after a brief lull caused by the Goods and Services Tax (GST) rate transition, while construction, finance and public administration each logged double‑digit expansions. Private consumption – which accounts for roughly 57 % of GDP – rose 7.9 % year‑on‑year, buoyed by higher agricultural incomes and a modest easing of credit conditions. Foreign analysts, such as those at CNBC, note that “the sharp improvement came from a pickup in manufacturing and construction,” even as “domestic consumption was held back ahead of the planned GST cu...

“Hindu” is related to the Arabic term “al-Hind,” which was used to designate the region around Indus river by travelers to the subcontinent. Before the 19th century, the term Hindu simply didn’t refer to religion, but to a loose collection of peoples who happened to live on the subcontinent and who were neither Muslim nor Christian. The term Hindu began to be used in the 19th century, when European Indologists were trying to codify a religion. But Indologists work only with texts, and texts are the basis only of upper-caste culture. So the upper castes acted as native informants for these Indologists, and as a result, what was conceived as religion at that time was only the upper-caste religion. With the 1872 British census, a new dimension came up, which was that communities were going to be enumerated, and that’s when the upper castes began to consider their category. For the longest time, they always continued to think of themselves in terms of caste rather than the category of reli...

https://shs.cairn.info/journal-esprit-2020-6-page-123?lang=en By   Divya Dwivedi   and   Shaj Mohan Pages 123 to 133 T he contemporary image of India is that it is the land of the people who gained independence from British colonial rule through a great freedom struggle under the leadership of the Congress party and the spiritual guidance of M. K. Gandhi. Today, India projects and propagates its culture as the sum of Hindu religion, yoga, peace, and Gandhi as their mascot. This image was produced through concerted efforts such as the Oscar winning propaganda film  Gandhi  made by Richard Attenborough and the National Film Development Corporation of India in 1982. We know that everything gets complicated once we begin to wander the texts and the streets of each country. Behind this image is hidden away and continues, unopposed, the millennia old oppression of nearly 90 per cent of the population in India, the lower castes people by the nearly 10 per cent upper ca...

Dravidians are the most ancient ethno-linguistic group of South Asia. The migrations of the Indo-Aryans pushed them deeper into the subcontinent. But a few isolated groups still remain to tell the tale. They may not have the Ancestral South Indian (ASI) of most of the Dravidian people, but the Brahui language still spoken in Balochistan in the areas around Quetta, is tell tale evidence of our history.  The Brahui is an ethnic group residing in Balochistan and Sindh, in Pakistan. Their distant linguistic cousins reside in the states of Karnataka and Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Telangana in India.  The Brahui are an excellent example of this phenomenon. A Dravidian ethnic group residing in the deserts of Sindh and Balochistan in Pakistan, they share DNA with their Sindhi, Balochi and provincial neighbours of different ethnicities. But their nearest cousins are located in the states of Karnataka in India. Causal relationships between ethnic groups in the Indian Subcontinen...

How India’s Maoist insurgency—better known as the Naxalite movement—is described matters. The lens through which policymakers, media and the public view the conflict shapes both perception and response. Two frames dominate. Ideological prism One casts the insurgency as a clash of ideas. Rebels are labelled “left‑wing extremists,” their Marxist‑Leninist rhetoric and calls for a “people’s war” presented as proof of ideological deviance. Official statements stress links to international leftist movements. This framing justifies a security‑first approach: paramilitary deployments, terrorist designations, counter‑insurgency operations. It simplifies the conflict into a moral dichotomy—democracy versus extremism. Some commentators go further, invoking civilizational arguments that depict tribal societies as “backward” and in need of modernisation, reinforcing paternalistic attitudes. Structural prism Another lens sees the insurgency as rooted in deprivation. The “Red Corridor” is marked by i...

By Nagesh Bhushan Chuppala When the Indian government announced a “new chapter” in its fight against the Maoist (Naxalite) movement in early 2018, few expected the remote, scrub‑covered hills of the Nallamalla forest to become a laboratory for a radically different approach. Rather than relying solely on sweeping security operations, the state of Telangana, in partnership with Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and a host of civil‑society actors, rolled out a coordinated package of targeted policing, rapid land‑rights regularisation, livelihood creation and participatory governance. A Five‑Point Playbook Precision policing  – Small, intelligence‑driven raids on senior Maoist cadres, complemented by “community‑policing” teams that live in villages for brief stints. Fast‑track land rights  – The Forest Rights Act (FRA) titles were issued to roughly 90 % of pending claimants within eighten months, and joint forest‑management committees were set up with elected tribal members. Livelihood i...

1. Wealth Concentration by Caste According to research using World Inequality Lab data, over 85–88% of Indian billionaire wealth is held by upper castes (Brahmins, Baniyas, Kayasthas, and other savarna groups). OBCs account for only around 9% , and SCs around 2–3% . STs are effectively absent among billionaires. This shows a massive overrepresentation of upper castes in the top wealth bracket compared to their population share (upper castes are about 20–25% of India’s population). 2. Historical and Structural Reasons Access to Capital & Networks Upper castes historically had access to land, business networks, and education under both colonial and post-independence systems. These advantages accumulate over generations, making it easier to scale businesses into billionaire wealth. Education & Professional Opportunities Many upper-caste families were overrepresented in elite education and professional fields, giving them high-paying opportunities...

There are several interconnected reasons that analysts are pointing to for  Rahul Gandhi’s defeat (or Congress’s poor showing)  in Bihar in the 2025 assembly elections. Here are the main ones, based on media reporting and expert commentary: Key Reasons for the Defeat Weak Ground Organization Congress lacked a strong grassroots network in Bihar. Many leaders have admitted the party’s booth-level presence was poor.  OpIndia +2 The Daily Jagran +2 According to former Congress leaders, there was a “weak organisation” and poor strategic deployment in constituencies.  OpIndia The party structure in Bihar is not as cadre-based or deeply rooted as some local parties (e.g., RJD or JD(U)), which hurt its mobilization.  The Daily Jagran +1 Alliance (INDIA Bloc / Mahagathbandhan) Disunity There were major seat-sharing conflicts between Congress and its allies in the “Grand Alliance.”  The Daily Jagran +2 The Times of India +2 In some constituencies, allies ended up con...

  What Rahul Gandhi and the INDIA Alliance should do after the Bihar result Launch a systematic post‑mortem Rahul Gandhi has already said the Congress and the broader INDIA bloc will “conduct an in‑depth review of the Bihar poll results”. The review must be data‑driven: collect booth‑level voting patterns, analyse why the alliance lost seats despite high‑profile rallies, and identify gaps in ground‑level organization. Turn the review into a concrete action plan Convert the findings into a short‑term (1–2 weeks) “proof‑point” document that outlines specific corrective steps – e.g., re‑allocating resources to weak districts, strengthening cadre training, and improving voter‑contact mechanisms indiatimes.com . Publish a concise roadmap publicly to demonstrate accountability and keep the narrative focused on improvement rather than blame. Re‑focus the alliance on a unified, issue‑based narrative Analysts note that the Mahagathbandhan appeared “episodic” and “personality‑driven,” lackin...