Skip to main content

Censorship of Phule: Brahminical Hegemony Rewriting Resistance

The postponement of Phule, a biopic celebrating Jyotirao and Savitribai Phule’s revolutionary fight against caste and gender oppression, has laid bare a troubling truth: the architects of India’s caste system—or their ideological heirs—still seek to control how their legacy is remembered. Originally set for release on April 11, 2025, to mark Jyotirao’s birth anniversary, the film’s debut has been delayed to April 25 after the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) demanded sweeping edits. By excising caste-specific terms like “Mahar,” “Mang,” “Peshwai,” and “Manu’s system of caste,” and softening references to historical atrocities, these changes reveal a calculated effort to sanitize the Phules’ radical legacy. This isn’t just censorship—it’s a Brahminical rewriting of history that erases the specificity of Dalit-Bahujan resistance while preserving dominant-caste sensibilities.
Jyotirao and Savitribai Phule were 19th-century firebrands who challenged the Brahminical order head-on. Their work—founding schools for Shudras and Ati-Shudras, advocating for widow remarriage, and dismantling caste hierarchies—threatened a society built on exclusion. Phule aims to honor their defiance, but the CBFC’s cuts blunt its power. Scenes depicting documented Peshwa-era practices, like a Shudra forced to sweep his own footprints to avoid “polluting” upper castes, have been replaced with vague imagery of boys throwing “things” at Savitribai. Dialogue naming “three-thousand-year caste slavery” has been watered down to “many years old,” obscuring the depth and duration of systemic oppression. A voiceover explaining the caste system? Gone, as if naming the hierarchy itself is too dangerous.

These edits, prompted by objections from Brahmin groups like the Brahmin Federation, expose a deeper agenda. Led by Anand Dave, the Federation claims Phule misrepresents their community and risks inflaming caste tensions by ignoring Brahmin reformers who supported the Phules’ schools or Satyashodhak Samaj. This demand for “inclusion” is a sleight of hand—it reframes a story of Dalit-Bahujan resistance into one where Brahmins remain central, even as allies. Jyotirao’s Gulamgiri explicitly called out Brahminical dominance; to insist his biopic highlight Brahmin contributions is to co-opt his narrative, diluting its focus on the oppressed’s agency. It’s a tactic as old as caste itself: centering the dominant group’s perspective to maintain narrative control.

The CBFC’s role here is no neutral arbiter. Historically, the Board has suppressed films challenging caste and religious orthodoxy, from Ambedkar (2000) to Udta Punjab (2016), often bending to pressure from powerful lobbies. Its demands on Phule fit this pattern, prioritizing Brahminical sensitivities over historical truth. By erasing terms like “Peshwai”—the Brahmin-led regime the Phules opposed—or “Manu’s system,” the CBFC doesn’t just soften history; it severs the link between past atrocities and their ideological roots. This erasure denies Dalit-Bahujan communities the right to see their ancestors’ struggles reflected authentically, reinforcing a cultural amnesia that benefits the caste elite.
Worse, this censorship sidelines the Phules’ own voice. Jyotirao never minced words about Brahminical oppression; Savitribai’s poetry raged against caste and patriarchy. To mute their language in a film about them is to strip away their agency, turning their rebellion into a palatable fable for a casteist society. It’s a double violence: first, the historical marginalization they fought, and now, the posthumous silencing of their truth. This mirrors global patterns—think of how colonial powers whitewash indigenous histories or how America’s slave past is softened in textbooks. India’s caste censorship is no outlier; it’s part of a universal playbook where dominant groups dictate the terms of memory.

Defenders of the edits might claim they’re preventing social unrest in a polarized India. But this argument crumbles under scrutiny. Silencing caste-specific truths doesn’t heal divisions—it festers them, alienating those whose histories are erased while emboldening those who benefit from silence. Director Ananth Mahadevan, a Brahmin himself, has defended Phule’s fidelity to facts, engaging community representatives to clarify its intent. Yet the pressure to sanitize persists, revealing who still wields power over India’s cultural narrative. If naming Brahminical oppression is deemed “divisive,” but caste-based discrimination remains a daily reality for millions, whose interests does this censorship serve?

The Phule controversy is a battle over more than a film—it’s a fight for historical memory. When caste realities are scrubbed from art, Dalit-Bahujan communities are robbed of their heroes’ defiance, while the descendants of caste’s architects—or those invested in their legacy—retain the privilege of shaping the past. This isn’t neutrality; it’s hegemony by another name. India’s reckoning with caste demands stories like the Phules’ be told unfiltered, in all their raw, uncomfortable truth. Anything less betrays their revolution and ensures the hierarchies they challenged endure, cloaked in silence.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Unveiling the "Real Majority" of India

Unveiling the "Real Majority": Divya Dwivedi’s Critique of the Hindu Majority Narrative * In contemporary Indian discourse, the notion of a "Hindu majority" is often taken as an unassailable fact, with official statistics frequently citing approximately 80% of India’s population as Hindu. This framing shapes political campaigns, cultural narratives, and even national identity. However, philosopher and professor at IIT Delhi, Divya Dwivedi, challenges this narrative in her provocative and incisive work, arguing that the "Hindu majority" is a constructed myth that obscures the true social composition of India. For Dwivedi, the "real majority" comprises the lower-caste communities—historically marginalized and oppressed under the caste system—who form the numerical and social backbone of the nation. Her critique, developed in collaboration with philosopher Shaj Mohan, offers a radical rethinking of Indian society, exposing the mechanisms of power t...

Mallanna Unleashes TRP: A New Dawn for Marginalized Voices in Telangana's Power Game

On September 17, 2025, Chintapandu Naveen Kumar, popularly known as Teenmar Mallanna—a prominent Telugu journalist, YouTuber, and former Congress MLC—launched the Telangana Rajyadhikara Party (TRP) in Hyderabad at the Taj Krishna Hotel. The event, attended by Backward Classes (BC) intellectuals, former bureaucrats, and community leaders, marked a significant moment for marginalized groups in Telangana. Mallanna, suspended from Congress in March 2025 for anti-party activities (including criticizing and burning the state's caste survey report), positioned TRP as a dedicated platform for BCs, Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), minorities, and the economically weaker sections. The party's vision emphasizes "Samajika Telangana" (a socially just Telangana) free from fear, hunger, corruption, and prejudice, with a focus on inclusive development and responsible governance. Key highlights from the launch: Symbolism : The date coincided with Periyar Jayanti and V...

Raise of RSS-affiliated think tanks

Since 2014, the number of think tanks affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has significantly increased. India had 192 think tanks in 2014, which surged to 612 by 2021, reflecting a notable rise in nationalist-oriented institutions like the India Foundation and the Vivekananda International Foundation  This growth is part of a broader strategy to challenge leftist intellectual dominance and promote a "New India" ideology through policy research and public discourse. The main goals of RSS-affiliated think tanks include: Promoting Hindutva Ideology : They aim to spread the ideology of Hindutva to strengthen the Hindu community and uphold Indian culture and civilizational values Challenging Leftist Dominance : These think tanks seek to counter the intellectual hegemony of leftist ideologies in India, providing an alternative narrative in policy discourse Supporting Government Policies : They produce research and reports that s...