T.Chiranjeevulu IAS (Ret), President and Founder BCIF(BC Intellectuals Forum)
On the occasion of Doddi Komaraiah's birth anniversary, the Telangana armed peasant struggle began on this very day. On April 3rd, 1946, he was martyred, and from that moment forward, the Telangana armed peasant struggle commenced and continued until 1951.
This struggle was waged against feudalism and the tyranny of the Nizam in Telangana, during which 4,000 people lost their lives. Thousands of villages were liberated from feudal lords — primarily zamindars, deshmuks, deshpandes, and patwardis. Approximately ten lakh acres of land were redistributed through this movement.
When we compare the social and economic conditions of Telangana then with those of today, we find that the exploitation which existed then continues in much the same form today. While the nature of exploitation has evolved and people now speak with somewhat greater freedom, the Backward Classes (BCs) remain completely marginalized across all sectors of society.
The Legacy of the Struggle
Whenever we remember Doddi Komaraiah, the Telangana armed peasant struggle vividly unfolds before our eyes — the massacres jointly carried out by the Nizam's Razakars against ordinary people. In those days of entrenched feudalism, thousands upon thousands of acres of land were concentrated in the hands of a privileged few, while the common people were forced into bonded labor, surviving only by uttering subservient pleas to their landlords.
To illustrate the scale of this inequality: in Suryapet, a single landlord held 1.5 lakh acres of land. Similarly, in Mahabubbad, Jannaredy Janardhana Reddy owned thousands of acres. The Telangana armed struggle, in fact, originated as a direct response to the atrocities committed by Vishnur Ramachandra Reddy and his mother Janakamma. It was in Kadivendi village that this resistance first ignited, and it was Doddi Komaraiah who stood up and led that charge.
Against those very atrocities, our Yadava brother Bandi Yadagiri composed the celebrated song "Bandenuka Bandi Katti," which Gaddar later immortalized through the film Maa Bhoomi. However, the song was originally written in protest against Jannaredy Janardhana Reddy of Mahabubbad.
Such feudal jagirs and their associated oppression existed across Telangana — in Kanthatmakuru in Warangal district and in many other regions. In Kadivendi, Chakal Ailamma too fought valiantly against Vishnur Ramachandra Reddy.
The Baironpalli Massacre
In the nearby village of Baironpalli, approximately 1,200 Razakars launched a devastating attack, surrounded the village entirely, and opened fire indiscriminately — killing 120 people. After the massacre, the bodies were piled together in the heart of the village, and all the women of the village were forced to strip and perform a mockery of Bathukamma — dancing naked around the corpses of their loved ones. That was the horrifying pinnacle of the atrocities committed in those dark days — a barbarism that rivaled the worst ravages of history.
Then and Now
Telangana emerged from such unspeakable horrors — yet what has become of it today? Let us examine that question.
A great many people — predominantly Bahujans — laid down their lives fighting against the Nizam and the Razakars. Even some members of the Reddy community participated in the movement and sacrificed their personal wealth — Arutla Ramachandra Reddy being one such example. However, the majority of upper-caste landlords — particularly the deshmuks — were 95% Reddys and Velamas, while the deshpandes were 95% Brahmin.
It is also worth noting that the Nizam State was not confined to present-day Telangana alone. It extended into Maharashtra, as far as Aurangabad, and into Karnataka, encompassing Gulbarga, Bidar, and Birat. It was, in every sense, a vast multilingual state.
On August 15, 1947, when India celebrated independence, here in Telangana the situation was entirely different — the Gaironpalli incident occurred, followed by the Parakala massacre, where 22 people were lined up and shot dead in cold blood near the treasury — another Jallianwala Bagh unfolding on Telangana's soil. All of this was the brutal suppression that landlords unleashed upon common people.
And then, remarkably, those very same landlords who perpetrated all this violence put on Gandhi caps and resurfaced as respectable figures the moment freedom was declared. The Hyderabad State was formed in name only. This was the same political establishment that arranged a special flight to send Qasim Razvi — directly responsible for the deaths of 4,000 people — safely to Pakistan, without any punishment whatsoever. This is the nature of governance this country has witnessed.
For whom, then, did these martyrs sacrifice so much? After all those sacrifices, after the creation of Telangana, the people still had no land, no sustenance, and no liberation. They were driven back into bonded labor, which compelled them once again to take up the path of revolution. Various people's movements arose in the aftermath. Only later did governments reluctantly open their eyes and introduce land reform legislation in the 1970s. Some land may have reached ordinary people through those reforms, but even today, the majority of land in Telangana remains concentrated in the hands of dominant castes.
The BC Question Today
From the time of Sarvai Papanna to the present day, the weaker and backward sections of society have continued making sacrifices. Their labor enriches others. Their votes empower others. The people must ask themselves: is it not time to put a full stop to this cycle?
Those who have suppressed us for thousands of years — denying us education, wealth, dignity, and political power — how justifiable is it for us to vote for them and place them in positions of authority? The people of Telangana must reflect on this with clarity and conscience.
A BC movement is now slowly but steadily gaining ground in Telangana. We have achieved certain victories, but a truly transformative change is yet to come. If we continue to tolerate these ruling elites, our lives will not improve — they will only deteriorate further.
The Caste Census Issue
Thanks to the collective efforts of various organizations, a caste census was conducted in Telangana. The central government also promised one at the national level, but in Phase 1 of the census, column 13 was categorized only as SC/ST — with no mention of BCs — effectively undermining any meaningful caste enumeration. The reason is transparent: the ruling classes fear that if the actual numbers are revealed, their disproportionate hold on power and resources will be exposed for all to see.
The data from Telangana's own caste survey raises serious questions. The BC population, which previously stood at 61%, declined to 56% after the survey. Meanwhile, the Reddy community, which numbered 14.7 lakh before, rose to 19 lakh — an increase of 4.3 lakh in just nine years between 2014 and 2023 — while BC numbers simultaneously declined. When asked to explain these anomalies, the government offers no answers.
Reservations and Political Representation
The central government, displaying a sudden and convenient affection for women, pushed through one-third reservation for women in elections. Yet our 42% BC reservation bill has been sitting with the government for over a year with absolutely no response. They refuse to grant 42% to BCs, but they introduce women's reservation — a policy that, in practice, primarily benefits upper-caste women. We are not opposed to women's reservation. Our question is simple and legitimate: when will BC women receive their due reservations?
Our demand is straightforward: just as SC/ST reservations are granted proportionate to population, and BCs receive the remainder within the 50% ceiling in education, employment, and local governance — extend the same principle to political representation. In truth, our demand goes further: BC representation in elected bodies must reflect our actual share of the population.
Yet the government gives nothing — not in education, not in jobs, not in local bodies, and not in legislatures.
The Congress government is no different. Rahul Gandhi makes grand pronouncements about breaking the 50% ceiling and delivering justice, but has never once raised the issue of BCs on the floor of Parliament. The Chief Minister of Telangana makes lofty speeches but has never walked into the central government's offices and demanded implementation of the 42% reservation. Since the current government came to power, BC corporations have received exactly zero in funding — not a single rupee.
A Call to Action
None of the three major political parties have demonstrated any genuine commitment to the BC community. All three are, in practice, anti-BC parties, and the people must recognize this reality.
BCs have been systematically reduced to dependence on government doles and welfare schemes, while the ruling classes amass wealth worth crores. From 2014 to 2023, the BRS government spent ₹1,83,000 crore on infrastructure projects alone. In just two years and four months, the current government has spent nearly ₹1,00,000 crore — a combined total of approximately ₹2,80,000 crore. And yet, when it comes to BC welfare and empowerment, the figure is zero. Not a single rupee has been allocated to BC corporations since this government assumed office.
Do BCs not deserve development and prosperity? Must they survive solely on handouts and welfare schemes? Do they not possess self-respect and dignity? Must they eternally toil to enrich those who have always exploited them?
We — through our intellectual forums and political fronts — are working together to change this reality. We urge the BC people of Telangana: understand what is happening, recognize the injustice being done to you, and join this struggle. If you do not, our condition will only worsen.
The Path Forward
Yesterday, we observed Sarvai Papanna's death anniversary. The message was unmistakable: to gain political power, you must fight for it. Power is never handed over — it must be claimed. Just as our ancestors once fought with swords and laid down their lives, today we must fight with the ballot paper. Vote for our own people, and our lives will begin to change. We must rewrite our own destiny.
Today, on the occasion of Doddi Komaraiah's martyrdom anniversary, Sarvai Papanna's death anniversary, and Shivaji's death anniversary — for their dreams and sacrifices to be truly honored, the BC flag must one day fly over Golconda Fort in Telangana. Only then will we have genuinely done justice to those who gave everything for us.
We are all committed to that struggle. To the people of Telangana: these exploitative rulers have no place in our future. These three parties have consistently looted, deceived, and betrayed the people. Do not give them your vote. Instead, identify and elect BC candidates who will genuinely represent your interests. Solutions to our long-standing problems will follow.
As Dr. Ambedkar wisely said: the solution to all problems lies in political power. Let us resolve to secure that political power — and within the next four to five years, through a united BC movement, demolish these feudal strongholds, raise our flag high, and build a just, equal, and socially dignified Telangana for all.
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