Twelve years have passed since the formation of Telangana state. The intense regional sentiments and political tensions that were prominently visible during the state's bifurcation had gradually subsided, and the people of both Telugu states had reached a stage where they were focusing on issues like development, employment, education, healthcare, and welfare.
However, looking at the statements being made and political programs being organized by certain political leaders in recent times, suspicions are emerging that there are renewed attempts to inflame regional sentiments for political gain. Remarks made by some leaders suggesting that the word "Telangana" has no place in the legal dictionary, attempts to downplay the history of the Telangana movement, and statements creating misunderstandings between the people of the two states are not elements that serve democratic politics well. Differences of opinion are natural in a democracy. But speaking in a manner that undermines the self-respect of a region's people is contrary to political culture.
Similarly, Andhra Pradesh Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan organizing a Jana Sena meeting on the very day of Telangana's Formation Day, while simultaneously announcing plans to contest elections in Telangana, has also sparked political debate — it feels like a challenge being thrown at the people of Telangana. Under the Indian Constitution, every citizen has the right to contest elections from anywhere in the country. That right cannot be questioned. Jana Sena has previously contested elections in Telangana as well. Therefore, there is no objection to contesting elections. However, making remarks that inflame regional tensions for political gain and behaving in a way that wounds the sentiments of Telangana's people is indefensible.
Examining certain recent incidents, the impression is growing among people that some political forces are acting in ways that undermine Telangana's identity and self-respect. Installing statues of leaders from other regions on Telangana soil while sidelining leaders associated with Telangana's history and movement; Prime Minister Narendra Modi meeting with the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister during his Telangana visit but not according the same level of importance to Telangana's BJP leadership — these developments raise numerous questions. Likewise, remarks denigrating individuals or ideologies associated with Telangana are occasionally heard. Such actions not only hurt the sentiments of Telangana's people, but also appear to be efforts to reignite regional emotions for political benefit.
When Telangana's identity and self-respect are threatened, it is natural — and necessary — for Telangana advocates to respond appropriately. There is a saying in Telangana: "Eet ku patthar si jawaab de" — "If they strike you with a brick, answer with a stone." This means there are times when one must respond at a level that protects one's self-respect. Yet at the same time, we must not forget one crucial truth: every time regional tensions and emotions escalate, genuine questions about social justice, BC political empowerment, and Bahujan rights risk being pushed to the margins of public discourse. Ruling classes often deliberately bring such controversies to the fore in an attempt to divert people's attention away from fundamental problems.
Therefore, while protecting Telangana's identity, we must not lose sight of the goals of the BC movement and the primary agenda of achieving a social Telangana. At a time when regional emotional currents run strong, it is essential to keep focus anchored on the core objectives of the BC movement — social justice, representation, and political empowerment. The protection of Telangana's identity and the construction of social Telangana must advance together in parallel. That is the path that truly serves Bahujan society.
The media, at a time when it should be raising public problems and facilitating discussions on solutions, is instead excessively amplifying personal attacks, controversies, and feuds between political leaders — burying the real issues of ordinary people. As a result, Bahujan people are forgetting what their genuine problems are and how to fight for solutions, becoming mere spectators to political leaders' mutual battles. People who should be organizing collectively to fight for their rights, opportunities, and livelihoods are instead spending their time as participants in political theater. Against this backdrop, it is no exaggeration to say that the media is playing a role in diverting Bahujan society's attention away from real problems and redirecting their thinking.
In a democracy, political parties make numerous promises during elections. But when they fail to deliver on those promises after coming to power, they tend to push emotionally charged issues to the forefront in order to divert public attention from the real problems. Using religion, region, language, and caste for political purposes is nothing new in Indian politics. When leaders should be answering for unemployment, farmer suicides, rising prices, the education crisis, and failures in healthcare, some instead use controversial statements to derail the conversation.
At this very same time, people's attention in Telangana is also increasingly centering on another critical issue: the question of BCs' political, social, and economic rights. BCs, who constitute the largest percentage of the state's population, are demanding political representation proportional to their numbers, meaningful participation in systems of power, educational opportunities, and a fair share of economic resources. Issues such as caste enumeration in the census, 42% BC reservations, legislative representation, and reservations for BC women in legislative bodies are entering mainstream public discourse.
This is not an awareness that arrived by accident. It is the natural response to centuries of sustained social discrimination. During the Telangana movement, the slogan "Neellu, Nidhulu, Niyamakalu" — "Water, Funds, Jobs" — rang out powerfully. After the state was formed, another question emerged: whose water was it? Who benefited from those funds? Who had a share in those appointments? Did the fruits of development reach all sections of society equally, or did they remain concentrated in the hands of a few?
It is in the process of seeking answers to these questions that the BC movement is growing stronger. This movement was not born from any single leader's call. It is a reflection of growing social consciousness among villages and towns, students and youth, government employees and intellectuals alike. This is why some political analysts are now raising a pointed question:
Is it a coincidence that regional disputes are being revived at the very moment BC and Bahujan political consciousness is strengthening? Or is it a deliberate political strategy to divert people's attention away from social justice issues?
Because when people begin speaking about social justice, discussions about the sharing of power naturally follow. Questions arise about representation proportional to population. The selection of candidates by political parties, the distribution of positions, and the allocation of economic resources all come under scrutiny. These are questions that make those in power deeply uncomfortable. That is precisely why emotional politics sometimes becomes the instrument used to suppress the real issues.
One great truth that Indian history tells us is this: social justice movements can never be permanently suppressed. The movements initiated by great figures like Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj, Periyar, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, and Kanshi Ram moved forward with even greater strength despite encountering countless obstacles. This is because they were movements born from the lived realities of the people. They were not mere political slogans; they were struggles for equality, dignity, and opportunity.
Today, the slogan resounding across Telangana — "Hissa, Izzat, Hukumat" — embodies that very same philosophy. Hissa means a share; Izzat means dignity; Hukumat means a stake in governance and power. This is not a movement directed against anyone. It is a democratic demand for the equal opportunities guaranteed by the Constitution. The communities that form the largest proportion of the population are asking not merely to be voters, but to be partners in policy decisions.
Regional hatred may momentarily stir people's emotions. But it cannot give a job to an unemployed youth. It cannot solve farmers' problems. It cannot expand educational opportunities. It cannot eliminate social inequalities. What truly improves people's lives is development, social justice, equal opportunity, and democratic participation.
Therefore, Telangana society today faces one crucial question: should we once again become entangled in the politics of regional hatred? Or should we carry forward the conversation on foundational matters — social justice, equal representation, democratic participation, and economic development?
In the regional movements of the past, it was Bahujan youth who took to the streets, Bahujan youth who bore the blows of batons, and Bahujan youth who gave their lives in self-immolation. Yet it was the dominant castes who reaped the benefits.
The lesson history is teaching us is this: in movements driven by emotion, it is Bahujan people who make the sacrifices — but the fruits have repeatedly flowed into the hands of dominant classes. Bringing forward issues of regionalism, language, and culture to mobilize people may be a political strategy; but the true measure of any such movement lies in how much social justice, equal representation, and power-sharing was ultimately achieved in its aftermath.
The Telangana movement achieved a geographical state. Now the responsibility of achieving social Telangana remains. The attainment of geographical Telangana was a historic victory. But it is the construction of social Telangana that will give that victory its completeness.
Regional sentiments may yield temporary political gains. But only social justice leads to lasting social peace, equitable development, and a strengthened democracy. Regional hatred is not the true enemy of BCs; the true challenge is the dominant forces that obstruct BC political and social advancement. Therefore, BC organizations and Bahujan leaders must resist being swept away by emotional currents and must firmly repel the conspiracies that seek to lead the BC movement astray.
Our goal is not regional conflict. Our goal is Hissa, Izzat, Hukumat.
What the dominant castes must understand is this: the BC movement will not stop. Your conspiracies will not work — not now, not here. Because this is not a movement born in political offices; it is a movement born in the hearts of the people. It is a movement woven from their labor, their hopes, and their self-respect. The same soil that achieved geographical Telangana is moving forward toward achieving social Telangana as well. That is the true future of Telangana.
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