Caste Census: Foundation for Social Justice—Don't Let Political Promises Become Empty Rhetoric
By T. Chiranjeevulu IAS (Ret) , Founder and President BCIF (BC Intellectuals Forum)
In the 79-year history of independent India, many
critical issues have been debated. Land reforms, reservations, linguistically
organised states, and economic reforms have shaped the nation's future. Yet one
issue remains unresolved—one directly connected to social justice: the
caste census.
Other backward classes (OBCs), who constitute the
largest percentage of India's population, have demanded for decades that their
actual population figures and socio-economic conditions be officially recorded.
Yet political parties have used this issue as an election promise only to
retreat once in power.
The History of Caste Census
Caste-based data collection in India is not new. British
rulers initiated caste enumeration in the census from 1881 onward. The 1931
census was the last to comprehensively collect information on all castes. After
independence, however, full-scale caste census ceased. Only Scheduled Castes
(SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) populations continued to be counted for
constitutional purposes, while comprehensive data on Other Backward Classes
(OBCs) stopped being collected. This represents a major injustice.
Welfare schemes, reservations, and development
programmes are all designed based on backwardness indicators. But for the
majority OBC population, precise statistics remain unavailable.
From Kaka Kalelkar to Mandal Commission
The first Backward Classes Commission, the Kaka Kalelkar
Commission, recommended collecting caste-wise data. Later, the Mandal
Commission also emphasised that caste census was necessary to assess the true
condition of backward classes in the country. The Mandal Commission had to
estimate OBC population using 1931 census data—a clear testament to government
neglect. One must consider how irrational it is to formulate policies in the
21st century based on 1931 statistics.
What Is a Caste Census?
A caste census is not merely counting castes. It goes
far beyond that. A caste census is a diagnostic tool for Indian society—an
X-ray. Just as an X-ray reveals diseases in the body, a caste census exposes
societal inequalities. Which communities own land? Who holds government jobs?
Who accesses higher education? Who remains illiterate? What is their income
level? How much political representation do they have? Whom are the benefits of
development reaching? Only when answers to these questions emerge can genuine
social justice be achieved.
Dual Approach of Political Parties
Nearly all national parties have displayed duplicity on
the caste census. In 2010, the BJP proposed conducting a caste census in
Parliament, which both houses unanimously approved. However, the then-central
government conducted a separate Socio-Economic and Caste Survey rather than
including caste in the regular census. The survey results were never fully
released. Meanwhile, when in opposition, the BJP supported caste census. In
2018, affirmative declarations were made in Parliament again. However, in 2021,
during a Maharashtra local bodies reservation case, the party submitted an
affidavit to the Supreme Court stating that caste census was impossible.
Subsequently, under public pressure and ahead of Bihar elections, they returned
to supportive statements. The Union Cabinet approved it on April 30, 2025.
These shifts reveal one thing clearly: political parties view caste census not
as an issue of social justice but according to political necessities.
Why OBCs Specifically Need It
For SCs and STs, caste census occurs through the regular census. Similarly, OCs (Forward castes) represent a relatively small population but command most opportunities anyway; revealing caste figures would expose their domination, so they have no need for it. That leaves only the remaining castes—the OBCs—for whom caste census becomes essential.
Harm of No Caste Census
The absence of caste census has caused severe damage to
OBCs. What share do OBCs hold in government jobs? What is their representation
in higher educational institutions? Where do they stand in the judiciary? What
is their participation in the industrial sector? There are no official answers
to these questions. At the same time, forces opposing reservations argue
"OBCs have already developed." Without statistics, countering these
claims scientifically becomes difficult. Hence, caste census is not merely a demand
for OBCs; it is a tool necessary for protecting their constitutional rights.
Administration requires data and evidence for effective governance and judicial
needs. Mere population counts of castes alone will not suffice. Like
Telangana's comprehensive socio-economic survey, nationwide recording must
include education, employment, land ownership, income, political
representation, occupations, and living conditions. Because caste is not merely
a social identity; it is intertwined with economic opportunities, educational
access, and power-sharing.
Supreme Court and High Court Opinions
Courts have struck down state government increases in
reservations due to lack of caste data. The Supreme Court has clarified in
several judgments that accurate, contemporary statistics are essential for
identifying caste-based social and educational backwardness:
|
Case |
Year |
Key
Observation |
|
Indra Sawhney |
1992 |
Reservations must be based on empirical data; noted
absence of comprehensive caste data after 1931 census |
|
Maratha Reservation Case |
2021 |
Quantifiable and empirical data mandatory to prove
backwardness |
|
Sudhakar Gummula v. Union of India |
2026 |
Petition opposing caste census dismissed—"no
fault in government knowing OBC population" |
|
Madras High Court |
Census Commissioner v. R. Krishnamurthy |
Suggested caste counting to Centre, later stayed by
Supreme Court citing policy discretion |
|
Akash Goil v. Union of India |
February 2, 2026 |
Self-declaration alone insufficient; verified
mechanism required for caste documentation |
The Supreme Court has not directly ordered a caste
census. But through judgments like Indra Sawhney and Maratha Reservation cases,
it has clarified that reservations and social justice policies must rest on
accurate caste-wise data. Thus, strong legal and constitutional grounds exist
in these rulings.
Central Government Must Demonstrate Good Faith—What
Preparations Are Needed?
If the central government truly intends to conduct a
caste census, preparatory work must begin immediately. A complete list of all
castes nationwide must be prepared. Each caste should be assigned a unique
code. Enumeration staff require training. Scientific methodologies for data
collection must be developed. Otherwise, data quality will suffer when the same
caste gets registered under different names across regions.
Despite announcing plans for caste census, the centre
has yet to initiate clear discussions on scientific methods, formats, or data
collection standards. A general census contains only 42 limited columns.
However, caste census is not merely registering caste names; it must
scientifically measure social, educational, economic, political, and
employment-related backwardness. What details should be recorded? How many
columns needed? How to categorise castes? Experts, civil society
representatives, and organisations must engage in wide-ranging discussions
starting now. Yet no such process is visible so far.
Telangana's recent comprehensive socio-economic,
educational, employment, and caste survey serves as an important model.
Similarly, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Bihar's caste surveys should
be studied for strengths and weaknesses. A scientific format implementable
nationwide must be developed through public consultation. Currently, no such
preparatory actions are visible. Particularly troubling is the absence of a
specific column for OBCs in the house-listing operations—the first phase of
census—similar to SC/STs. This raises suspicions. With no clarity on
guidelines, questionnaires, verification systems, or data classification
standards, doubts grow among OBC communities whether the central government
genuinely intends to conduct a caste census.
Therefore, the centre must immediately announce a
complete action plan for caste census, progressing transparently with
participation from all sections. For impartial and neutral conduct of caste
census, an independent commission should be established. This
commission must tour the nation, engage with all communities, and design a
comprehensive plan. Only then will OBC citizens trust the centre. Only then
will doubts about caste census vanish, marking a historic step toward social
justice. Otherwise, there is danger that it will be conducted superficially
with errors cited to discredit the exercise. Numbers may not even be announced.
This could become a politician's trap. "Sab ka Saath, Sab ka Vikas"
becomes hollow. Socio-economic and political inequalities are already severe in
this country. If corrective measures are not taken now, grave danger awaits the
nation in the coming period.
Why Fear About Caste Census?
Some dominant groups oppose caste census for a clear
reason: caste census reveals truths. So far, the narrative has been propagated
that "equal opportunities exist for everyone." But after caste
census, whose dominance exists in power, assets, education, and employment
sectors becomes crystal clear. Hence numerous myths and misinformation
campaigns against caste census are being created. OBC, SC, ST, minority, and
other Bahujan communities must unite and fight for this as a democratic right.
"To get representation proportionate to
population," one must first know the population size. To claim
"share," numbers must be known. To earn "respect," facts
must come to light. To gain "authority," scientific understanding of
social structure is required.
Caste census is not a programme strengthening caste
identities; it is a democratic process identifying and reducing inequalities
based on caste. It is not a tool dividing the nation; it is the foundation for
building a society with equal opportunities.
Will This Time Be Different?
Will this time caste census remain a political promise?
Or will it actually materialise, opening a new chapter for social justice? The
answer will emerge in the coming months. Yet one thing is clear: without caste
census, social justice remains incomplete. Without statistics, policies wander
blindfolded. Therefore, the struggle for caste census is not merely for
numbers—it is a fight for equality, representation, dignity, and participation
in political power. Unless the OBC community remains vigilant and increases
pressure on the central government, another injustice toward OBCs appears
inevitable.
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