Peoples Telangana

 By T.Chiranjeevulu, IAS (Ret), Founder President BCIF( BC Intellectuals Forum)  The judgment in  Indra Sawhney v. Union of India  (1992) stands as one of the most pivotal rulings in Indian constitutional history regarding social justice. Through this verdict, the Supreme Court clarified that 27% reservations in Central Government jobs should be implemented for Other Backward Classes (OBCs). This ruling provided constitutional backing to the implementation of the Mandal Commission's recommendations. However, in the same judgment, the Supreme Court introduced another crucial concept: the theory of the "affluent classes" or the  "Creamy Layer." The Court opined that if economically, educationally, and socially advanced affluent sections within the OBCs were allowed to avail the benefits of reservations, opportunities would not reach the most backward sections. Consequently, the Court suggested excluding these upper strata within the OBCs from the purview of re...

  The 84% Rebellion   Telangana’s demographic majority is waking up to its political dispossession. The question is whether it can organise fast enough to seize power.  In the high-stakes political theatre of Telangana, the script has long been written by a minority for the majority. A new caste survey, released in early 2025, has handed the opposition a stark arithmetic reality: the “Bahujan” collective—comprising Backward Classes (BCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs), and Scheduled Tribes (STs)—constitutes roughly 85% of the state’s population. Yet, the corridors of power remain the preserve of the landed elite, specifically the Reddy and Velama castes, who together account for less than 10% of the populace but dominate the state’s two major parties, the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) and the Congress. The survey, conducted between November 2024 and February 2025, did more than merely count heads; it exposed a chasm between demography and power. While the BCs make up 56.33% of th...

By Nagesh Bhushan  Strategic Context: The Imperative for Bahujan Political Sovereignty The political landscape of Telangana is defined by a systemic "Power Gap": an 84% Bahujan majority—comprising Backward Classes (including BC Muslims), Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes—is structurally excluded by a duopoly of landed forward-castes (Reddys and Velamas). While forward castes represent less than 25% of the population, they exert near-total control over state resources. The strategic objective is to achieve vertical integration of this majority, breaking the BRS-Congress cycle by applying the TVK (Tamizhaga Vettri Kazhagam) precedent from Tamil Nadu. The TVK’s victory ended a 59-year Dravidian duopoly, proving that entrenched political monopolies collapse when popular social energy is converted into a disciplined institutional alternative. Demographic Reality vs. Political Representation Demographic Group Percentage of Population Current Pol...

"The day the people start thinking is the day change begins."  — Periyar Here, Vijay is not merely a film hero... he is an emotion. He is anger. He is hope. Transcending caste and religion, devoid of political lineage, without support from print or electronic media, and without alliances, he stood alone, relying solely on the youth, his own self-belief, and his image. Within two years of founding the  Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK)  party, he transformed Tamil Nadu politics. He dismantled Dravidian parties that had a 60-year history built on the foundations of Dravidian ideology. His victory sends a call to the Bahujan youth of Telangana:  "We can do it too. We can win too!"  We can learn the following lessons from their success: 1. Mass Base and Identity – The Foundation of Self-Respect:  Vijay built his party with the common people. He converted fan clubs into a political cadre and established a foundation of self-respect ideology. He captivated the yo...

T. Chiranjeevulu   Retired IAS Officer   The Indian Constitution defined "Backward Classes" (BCs) not as "backward castes" but as "backward classes," thereby doing irreparable injustice to the backward castes. According to   Article 16(4) , backward classes include Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Similarly, under   Article 15(4) , socially and educationally backward classes are defined as BCs. While the Constitution mentions that reservations can be provided to socially and educationally backward classes, it failed to explicitly define   who   constitutes these "backward classes" or the criteria for identifying them. This ambiguity delayed social justice for BCs for decades, leading to increased judicial intervention that often resulted in severe injustice to BCs. In contrast, the same Constitution clearly defined SCs and STs. In reality, the fourth varna of the traditional Hindu social system—th...

Nation wouldn’t have been in this situation if the oil and gas discovered in 2005 by @narendramodi and Gujarat State Petroleum Corporation was actually available today. Feku had claimed that GSPC found 20 trillion cubic feet (tcf) of gas offshore near the Krishna Godavari basin. In 2009, GSPC revised the estimate from 20 tcf to just 1 tcf. Think about the scale of Modi's lies. Not even 5% of what he claimed was true. CAG later found that ₹21,000 crore went into the sea, and not even a teaspoon of oil or gas was produced. To cover up the scam and failure, Modi allegedly forced ONGC to take over the company after becoming Prime Minister. ONGC paid $1.2 billion (₹11,400 crore) to acquire 80% stake in Modi’s marketing vessel, GSPC. Again public money is poured into save Modi's failures in Gujarat as a CM.

రిజర్వేషన్లు అనేవి ఎస్సీ, ఎస్టీ, ఓబీసీ వర్గాలకు భారత రాజ్యాంగం కల్పించిన ఒక ప్రాథమిక హక్కు. అందుకే రాజ్యాంగంలోని ఆర్టికల్ 15 మరియు ఆర్టికల్ 16లను ప్రాథమిక హక్కుల విభాగంలో చేర్చారు ( Part III ). ఇవి ఎవరి విచక్షణ ,దయ, దాక్షిణ్యాల మీద ఆధారపడి లేవు . శతాబ్దాలుగా నిచ్చెన మెట్ల కుల వ్యవస్థ అణచి వేత ద్వారా సృష్టించ బడిన సామాజిక, విద్యా, ఆర్థిక అసమానతలను సరిదిద్దడానికి రూపొందించిన న్యాయబద్ధమైన వ్యవస్థ. సామాజిక విప్లవం న కు నాంది పలికిన వ్యవస్థ. ఆర్టికల్ 15 విద్యా రంగంలో సమాన అవకాశాలను కల్పించడానికి, ప్రత్యేకించి వెనుకబడిన వర్గాల అభివృద్ధి కోసం ప్రత్యేక నిబంధనలు చేయడానికి రాష్ట్రానికి / కేంద్రానికి అధికారం ఇస్తుంది. ఇందులో 15(4), 15(5), 15(6) వంటి ఉపవిభాగాల ద్వారా విద్యాసంస్థల్లో రిజర్వేషన్లకు రాజ్యాంగ బద్దత కల్పించబడింది. అదేవిధంగా, ఆర్టికల్ 16 ప్రభుత్వ ఉద్యోగాల్లో సమాన అవకాశాలను నిర్ధారించడమే కాకుండా, 16(4) ద్వారా రాష్ట్ర / కేంద్ర సేవల్లో తగిన ప్రాతినిధ్యం లేని వెనుకబడిన వర్గాల పౌరులకు ప్రభుత్వ ఉద్యోగాల్లో రిజర్వేషన్లు కల్పించడానికి రాష్ట్రానికి/ కేంద్ర నికి అధికారం ఇవ్వబడింది. ఇది సమాన అవకా...