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Has Manusmriti Seeped Into Us?

 


Below content is translated from Telugu version posted above to english.

- Ch. V. Prabhakar Rao, Senior Journalist

Recently, an insult was aimed at a Dalit legislative Speaker, and in condemning that insult, Dalit leaders came forward emphasizing, of all things, the [caste of the] person who slapped him. It is right to condemn whoever insulted a Dalit leader. But must the person who did the slapping necessarily be a Dalit? Can't an upper-caste leader slap? Can't a BC leader slap? Can't a Brahmin slap? Can't a woman slap? Why is it that even in movements meant to oppose caste discrimination, caste itself keeps getting used as a yardstick to classify people? This is a matter worth reflecting on in our own conscience.

Vedas historically served as convenient scriptural sources for caste discrimination. The Purusha Sukta in the Rig Veda (10.90.12) describes the four varnas in society as originating from the mouth, arms, thighs, and feet [of the cosmic being], and legitimizes it philosophically. That very mantra later became a tool used to authoritatively justify the entire caste system. Even in the Gita, the phrase "chaturvarnyam maya srishtam gunakarma vibhagashah" is explained on the basis of division of qualities and duties. But when seen against the backdrop of philosophical and social realities, it appears that the ultimate purpose was to entrench, in particular, the hierarchies of caste, class, wealth, occupation, and social power in an even more rigid manner. Where the Manusmriti asserts that service to the three other varnas is the primary duty of life for a Shudra, and that he should not aspire beyond that, it appears designed to give legal shape and enforce that very intent. This is why the reasonable question "Isn't the Veda itself entirely faulty then?" cannot be dismissed, and likewise the argument "What Manusmriti says isn't necessarily eternal law" cannot be dismissed either. The real question is: caste is a social malaise that has persisted since ancient times, and no matter how much progress is made, it continues on in modern society as an unresolved issue.

Traditional Injustice

Why should potters alone make pots? Why should washerfolk alone wash clothes? Why should barbers alone do haircutting? Why should fishermen alone catch fish and sell them? There was a remarkable technical-social continuity to how each occupation was practiced generation after generation. But is it right that such occupations should be permanently bound to a particular caste at birth? Who decides who runs dry-cleaning shops today? Who runs gold ornament businesses? Who runs hotels, industries, IT companies, hospitals? Whoever's hands these fall into — was it decided by their caste, or by their own diligence and hard work? Even without realizing it, isn't traditional society still, through this "your culture," "your pride and glory" rhetoric, sowing the seeds of caste in people's minds, keeping them confined within it?

Ambedkar's Path of Rejecting Caste-Based Organizing

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's problem was never merely about caste people. He understood that caste is a system that determines social power. He undertook the drafting of the Hindu Code Bill with intense dedication. Bringing forward the 1951 Hindu Code Bill was his historic decision. Since it did not receive parliamentary approval on its own, Ambedkar strongly protested and resigned from the Cabinet. Ambedkar embraced Buddhism as a means of self-liberation. He did not organize based on caste, nor did he build a movement centered on caste. He fought to bring about a caste-free society through legal reform and social awakening. That is why leaders of BCs, SCs, and tribal communities should follow his path. Should they be asking their followers to make them ministers? Should they be demanding privileged facilities for their own communities? Should teachers be seeking undue favors? Is there a path toward genuine education?

Toward a Casteless Society

The starting point in this endeavor must be that within ourselves, wherever "we" have turned into Manusmriti, that must first be uprooted. Whoever hits someone should not be identified by their caste, nor should the one who is hit be identified for the caste to which they belong. What is done to a leader should be judged by that act — not decided through the lens of caste. A potter does not need to be a potter forever. One who washes clothes does not need to remain a washerman forever. One who does haircutting does not need to remain a barber forever. One who catches fish does not need to belong to a single caste forever. Whoever farms does not need to belong to a farming caste forever. Death is the only true equalizer. Knowledge is the only true wealth. Economic freedom is the only true liberation. The India that is pushing itself toward the depths [of regression] is, even today, tying a person down on the basis of their caste. This has been going on for centuries. But we, even now, have not moved on from the mindset of centuries past. That is why today's youth must ask, "What is my caste to me?" "How do I decide my own life for myself?" — that very question is the first step to freeing oneself from caste-ridden society.

Is There Freedom? Is There Economic Independence?

Reservations alone are not liberation. Education, economic self-sufficiency, occupational independence, employment, self-respect — all these together constitute true social liberation. What Karl Marx called "class struggle" is being adapted today, in some ways, as a "color index" [caste-based classification]. It could turn into a tool to restore the ties of caste and power. Beyond becoming a means to renew caste-based political power, we must examine and reflect deeply on our own political parties in this light. Modern culture, packaging this old caste system as something new, would not be equality — that would only be the same discrimination in a new mask, and worshipping that is not worthy of worship either.

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