By T.Chiranjeevulu, IAS(Ret), Founder, President BCIF( BC Intellectuals Forum)
In the recent political history of Telangana state, the latest gram panchayat elections have stood not as a mere electoral process, but as a symbol of a social turning point. These elections highlighted the political awakening of Backward Classes (BCs), their organized strength, their opposition to dominant politics, and their self-respect. They issued a strong warning to dominant castes. Particularly, the results proved how deeply the BC ideology has penetrated the people at the village level.
There are a total of 12,760 gram panchayats in Telangana. Of these, 2,537 gram panchayats in agency areas are reserved for tribals. Excluding these agency areas, in the remaining 10,023 gram panchayats, reservations were allocated as follows: 2,090 for SCs, 714 for STs, 2,186 for BCs, and 5,233 for the general category. In percentage terms, SCs got 20.45%, STs 6.98%, BCs 21.38% (but when calculated against the total 12,760 gram panchayats, the 2,186 for BCs amount to only 17.07%), and the general category 51.18%. These statistics themselves stand as clear evidence of systemic injustice, where BCs, who form more than half the population, received only 21.38% reservation.
However, the election results shattered these reservation limits. According to details published in Velugu newspaper on 19/12/2025, BCs won not only the 2,186 reserved sarpanch positions but also an additional 2,937 in the general category. That means overall, BCs secured 5,123 sarpanch positions (50.11%). Including agency areas, this comes to 42%. Unofficial estimates indicate that previously (excluding agency areas), it was around 40%. Today, reaching 50% means we have to admit that the BC ideology has worked on a large scale.
In the general category, dominant caste candidates won 2,296 sarpanch positions, which is roughly equivalent to 18%. Their numbers have significantly declined.
Examining the situation of political parties, these elections dealt a severe blow to the three major parties. Although the Congress party is claiming they won 66% of seats, that is not the full truth. According to Eenadu reports, it is 56%, including around 850 rebel candidates who won as independents. It is natural for the ruling party to gain some advantage in local body elections. Previously, when TRS (now BRS) was in power, it won up to about 60% of sarpanch positions. However, this time, the main problem Congress faced was promising 42% BC reservations but failing to implement it. This deception caused intense dissatisfaction among BCs. As a result, in many places, BCs contested and won as independents.
In reality, these elections were not conducted on party symbols. Therefore, no party has the moral right to claim they won a certain percentage. But the statistics they are boasting about—based on the support they provided and reports in newspapers—have been analyzed accordingly.
As for BRS, a party that is the main opposition with 39 assembly seats, today it has been limited to winning about 3,600 positions due to the impact of BC ideology, restricting it to just 28% and weakening it at the village level. BRS's silence on BC reservations created a negative opinion at the grassroots level. Its past neglectful attitude toward BCs has also proven that people no longer trust BRS today.
The situation for BJP has become even more pathetic. By blocking BC bills in Parliament, BJP has earned the image of a party that snatched away the morsel reaching BCs' mouths. A party that won 8 Lok Sabha seats now won only 688 positions in panchayat elections (5.40%) and faced public anger.
This victory is not accidental. It is the collective victory of BCs. The defeat of three parties. The main reason for this is the BC movement that has been continuing in Telangana for the past two years. Issues like "42% reservations," "caste census," and "social justice" came into widespread discussion at the village level. Even though 42% reservations could not be officially implemented, that demand politically organized BCs.
One important aspect in these elections is that BCs contested in large numbers in general seats. Previously under the control of dominant castes, this time BCs boldly entered the fray in those seats. Despite money, inducements, and pressures, BCs did not back down, contested, and achieved victory. As a result, dominant castes tasted the influence of BC ideology directly for the first time. This is not just an election result; it is a warning for social and political change.
The common thread uniting these three major parties is one—they are all parties that served the political interests of dominant castes. Parties that used BCs when needed but neglected their rights. Today, the people of Telangana are clearly fighting for equal and just share. They are demanding their due portion. The slogans of "share, respect, power" that BCs have long desired have found strong support in these gram panchayat election results.
In truth, in these elections, the three parties lost, but BC ideology won. These results will lay the foundation stones for BC political empowerment in the coming times.
In fact, in places during the elections, money, liquor, biryani, inducements, threats, and pressures also played a role. To counter these, in the coming days, there is a responsibility on all BC organizations to take the BC ideology to every village and every doorstep. Only when work is done by going into villages will BC ideology strengthen. BCs will emerge from these inducements. Bahujan ideology also worked in villages. There is a need to move forward with the same unity.
Today, it is no exaggeration to say that the people of Telangana are looking toward alternative parties. These elections are proof of that. That's why independents won on a large scale—about 1,500 candidates (11.75%). If honest leadership comes with BC-Bahujan ideology and a good manifesto, people will definitely support it. Political parties should open their eyes now; if they do not give priority to BCs and Bahujans, they should remember there will be no place for them.
If this BC ideology and Bahujan ideology continue at the same level, these elections clearly indicate that political change is inevitable in the upcoming assembly elections. In Telangana politics, this is not a temporary development; it is a signal for a long-term social-political change and struggle. It heralds the establishment of democracy and village self-rule.
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