(August 25 --- On the Occasion of B.P. Mandal's Birthday)
T.Chiranjeevulu
IAS (Retired), Founder & President
BCIF(BC Intellectuals Forum)
When we
speak about social justice, equal opportunities, and empowerment of backward
classes in India, the name B.P. Mandal comes to mind with
great respect. Bindeshwari Prasad Mandal was not merely a political leader; he
was a guide who studied inequalities in Indian society and showed the path
toward constitutional opportunities for backward classes through a scientific
approach. The Second Backward Classes Commission under his
chairmanship, popularly known as the Mandal Commission, stands as a
landmark in India's social justice history.
Mandal's
Life
B.P.
Mandal was born on August 25, 1918, in Bihar. Entering public life and rising
as a political leader, he served as Chief Minister of Bihar in 1968.
However, what granted him a permanent place in history was his work on the
socio-educational and economic conditions of backward classes.
Under Article
340 of the Indian Constitution, which mandates studying the socially
and educationally backward sections and suggesting measures for their
advancement, the Central Government established the Second Backward
Classes Commission in 1979, chaired by B.P. Mandal. After extensive study,
surveys, and data collection, the commission submitted its report on December
31, 1980.
Distinctiveness
of the Mandal Commission
The
greatness of the Mandal Commission lay not just in recommending 27%
reservation, but in providing the correct scientific answer to the
question: "Who constitutes a Backward Class?"
The
commission developed 11 indicators to examine social,
educational, and economic conditions. These were divided into four
social, three educational, and four economic indicators. Giving highest
weightage to social indicators, followed by educational and then economic
indicators, it devised a 22-point methodology. Castes/classes
scoring 11 or more points were identified as socially and
educationally backward.
Thus, the
attempt was made to estimate backwardness not merely through political
declarations, but based on social status, educational conditions, and economic
factors. This methodology was later upheld by courts. Through this highly
scientific approach, he identified 3,743 castes as backward.
The Mandal Commission made 40 recommendations in total.
Mandal
Commission — 40 Recommendations and Current Status
|
No. |
Mandal Commission Issue/Recommendation |
Current Status |
|
1 |
OBC backwardness is not
merely poverty; it is intertwined with social formation |
Partially addressed |
|
2 |
Reservation needed for
OBCs in government jobs and educational institutions |
Implemented |
|
3 |
Commission rejected the
argument that reservation reduces merit/administrative efficiency |
Accepted in principle |
|
4 |
Providing some jobs alone
cannot remove overall backwardness of OBCs |
Implementation pending;
commission review needed |
|
5 |
Adequate representation of
OBCs in administration needed |
Partially implemented |
|
6 |
Commission estimated OBC
population at approximately 52% |
Statistical estimate; lack
of fresh census issue continues |
|
7 |
SC/ST already have 22.5%
reservation |
Already existing policy |
|
8 |
Commission examined the
need for up to 52% reservation for OBCs |
Not implemented |
|
9 |
Considering the 50%
ceiling limit, recommended 27% reservation for OBCs |
27% Implemented |
|
10 |
States with existing
reservation exceeding 27% should continue |
Partially/State-wise
implementation |
|
11 |
OBC reservation should
apply to Central and State government services |
Primarily implemented in
Centre; varies by state policy |
|
12 |
OBC reservation should
apply to technical and professional institutions |
Implemented/Partially
implemented |
|
13 |
OBC candidates selected
through open merit should not be counted under 27% quota |
Implemented |
|
14 |
Reservation should also
apply to promotions for OBCs |
Not implemented at Centre
level |
|
15 |
Vacant posts not filled
due to OBC reservation should be carried forward for three years |
Partially
implemented/modifications applied subsequently |
|
16 |
Age relaxation for OBC
candidates |
Implemented |
|
17 |
Roster system for OBC
reservation |
Implemented |
|
18 |
OBC reservation applicable
to Central/State PSUs and government-controlled institutions |
Partially implemented |
|
19 |
OBC reservation in
Nationalised banks and other government-controlled financial institutions |
Partially implemented |
|
20 |
OBC reservation in private
sector receiving government financial aid |
Generally not implemented |
|
21 |
OBC reservation in
universities and colleges |
Implemented |
|
22 |
OBC reservation in
technical/professional institutions |
Implemented |
|
23 |
Special educational
facilities for OBC students |
Partially implemented |
|
24 |
Special educational
programs in regions with high OBC population |
Partially implemented |
|
25 |
Special measures to reduce
OBC student dropout rates |
Partially implemented |
|
26 |
Facilities like adult
education, residential schools, hostels |
Partially implemented |
|
27 |
Expand
vocational/technical training for OBCs |
Partially implemented |
|
28 |
Special coaching/academic
assistance for OBC students |
Implemented/Partially
implemented |
|
29 |
Financial and technical
assistance for OBCs dependent on traditional occupations |
Partially implemented |
|
30 |
Institutional finance for
OBC artisans and small entrepreneurs |
Partially implemented |
|
31 |
Special financial
institutions for OBCs |
Partially implemented — Institutions like
NBCFDC established |
|
32 |
Development of OBC
occupational cooperatives |
Partially implemented |
|
33 |
Network of financial and
technical institutions for business/industrial development of OBCs |
Partially implemented |
|
34 |
Reservation alone is
insufficient for OBC advancement; structural economic change needed |
Not fully implemented |
|
35 |
Progressive land reforms
to change rural production relations |
Not largely implemented |
|
36 |
Allocation of surplus land
to landless OBC workers |
Not implemented
nationally/limited |
|
37 |
Special focus on most
backward groups within OBCs; institutions like OBC Development Corporations |
Partially implemented |
|
38 |
OBCs need special
administrative mechanism/government machinery for monitoring |
Partially implemented — NCBC established,
later became constitutional body |
|
39 |
Central financial aid for
OBC development programs |
Partially implemented |
|
40 |
Measures implemented
should be periodically reviewed and comprehensively re-examined |
Not implemented as
proposed by Mandal |
Fully/Mainly
Implemented:
- 27% Central job
reservation
- Reservation in Central
educational institutions
- Open-merit adjustment
- Age relaxation
- Roster system
- Special coaching
Partially
Implemented:
- Educational facilities
- Hostels
- Vocational training
- Financial assistance
- Loans for
artisans/entrepreneurs
- Representation in
government/PSU sectors
- OBC Development
Corporations
Still
Largely Unimplemented:
- Private sector OBC
reservation
- Reservation in
promotions for OBCs
- Comprehensive land
reforms
- Allocation of surplus
land to landless OBCs
- Broad structural
economic-social transformation proposed by Mandal
27%
Reservation — A New Direction
The Mandal
Commission estimated that OBCs constituted approximately 52% of
India's population based on the 1931 Census. Taking into account
Supreme Court judgments including Balaji vs. State of Mysore (1961)
and subsequent rulings, and adhering to the 50% reservation ceiling
rule, the Commission recommended 27% reservation for OBCs in
Central government educational institutions and jobs in 1980. At
that time, SC/ST already had 22.5% reservation.
In 1990,
the Central Government decided to implement this recommendation. Subsequently,
in the case Indra Sawhney v. Union of India, the Supreme
Court examined constitutional aspects related to OBC reservation. From 1993,
27% reservation for OBCs came into effect in Central government jobs, and
in education in 2008.
This
initiated a new era in Indian social justice politics.
Mandal—Nair
Discussion
According
to L.R. Nair, a member of the Mandal Commission, OBCs are not a homogeneously
backward group. While some OBC groups have progressed relatively, others remain
in severe social, educational, and economic backwardness. Therefore, he
suggested dividing OBCs into two categories — Intermediate
Backward Classes and Depressed Backward Classes —
with special protection for the most backward groups.
B.P.
Mandal mentioned in his forwarding letter that the commission acknowledged the
validity of Nair's arguments. However, given the legal circumstances at that
time, especially considering the M.R. Balaji v. State of Mysore judgment,
the commission proceeded cautiously regarding whether sub-categorization of
OBCs was possible.
Later,
the Indra Sawhney judgment created an opportunity to
consider relative backwardness within OBCs, allowing division into Most
Backward Classes and Backward Classes.
Religion
is Not the Criterion—Backwardness Is
A crucial
aspect of the Mandal Commission is that it did not restrict OBC
identification to the Hindu community alone. It also examined non-Hindu
communities that were socially and educationally backward.
Groups
converting from lower castes to other religions, as well as those depending on
traditional occupations similar to Hindu OBCs, were considered by the
commission. Occupations like dhobi, teli, nai, kumhar, lohars, darji serve
as examples.
Through
this, a key principle emerges: Backwardness should be identified based
on social condition, educational backwardness, occupation, and economic
status—not religion.
Mandal
Remains Incomplete...
Out of the
40 recommendations, some have been implemented, some partially, and many remain
incomplete.
Therefore,
today's call to "complete Mandal" means not just
protecting the 27% reservation, but ensuring that the benefits of this
reservation reach the most backward groups within the BC community appropriately.
August 25
— B.P. Mandal's birthday. Meanwhile, "Remove Reservation" slogans
echo in Delhi.
Although
the Central Government has been implementing 27% reservation based on the
Mandal Commission for the past 33 years in Central government
jobs, it is regrettable that even today, A.B. category officers have
not crossed 22%. If the situation continues thus, some youth unaware of
social, economic, political, judicial systems and social justice are raising
anti-reservation slogans.
1.
Inclusive Growth: If the majority populations in society remain distant from development,
"Sab Ka Saath – Sab Ka Vikas" is impossible.
2.
Caste Discrimination, Social and Educational Inequalities: Providing reservation
based only on economic criteria will not address centuries-old social
discrimination and lack of representation.
3.
Demographic Representation: Only when opportunities are provided proportionate to the population of
respective groups in jobs, education, and politics can comprehensive social
equity be achieved in the nation.
It is
essential to implement classification and transparent methods to ensure
constitutional social justice is preserved and the fruits reach the most
backward castes within BCs (EBC/MBCs).
Reservation
Is Not Poverty Alleviation
Government
welfare schemes provided on the basis of poverty are one thing; reservations
are another. The primary basis for the reservation system in the Constitution
is historically continued social backwardness, discrimination, and lack
of adequate representation in government systems.
Through
reservations, previously marginalized social groups have gained some access to
education, government jobs, and public representative institutions. Removing
this system abruptly would not erase centuries-old social inequalities
overnight. As a result, the limited representation already achieved would
gradually diminish, and these groups could fall back to their previous social
status.
Therefore,
answering the question "When should reservations be removed?" cannot
be based solely on economic conditions. The main focus should be on whether
constitutional goals like social discrimination, educational
backwardness, representation in government services, and equality of
opportunity have actually been achieved.
In one
sentence: "Reservation is not a poverty eradication program; it is
a remedy for social injustice, a constitutional instrument for equal
opportunity, and a system correcting representational deficit."
While the
Supreme Court ruled in the Indra Sawhney case (1992) that economic-based
reservations would not be valid, the Central Government introduced the 103rd
Constitutional Amendment for economically weaker dominant castes,
announcing 10% reservation, which is fully implemented since 2019.
Once again, movements began demanding removal of Bahujan reservations.
Therefore,
there is a need for Bahujans to unite and protest "Save
Reservations." Otherwise, dominant castes may bury the social
justice envisioned by constitution makers like Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Hence, be
vigilant.
Another
Mandal Movement Must Arise
August 25
should not be celebrated merely as a birth anniversary but observed as a day
of recommitment to social justice.
1.
Complete Caste Census First: Who constitutes how much of the population? What is the representation in
education, employment, land, property, income, administration, and politics?
Precise data is needed. However, the Central Government announced caste
counting in the 2027 Census but intends to do so without assigning a specific
code number per caste, instead grouping all castes in an open category. This is
inflicting grave injustice upon BCs once again. The time for BCs to strongly
resist has arrived.
2.
Equal Opportunities in Education: Opportunities for BC students must expand from primary education to
higher education, technical education, research, and foreign studies. Ph.D. and
other higher education scholarships should be increased.
3.
Employment and Economic Empowerment: Alongside reservation in government jobs, strong mechanisms are needed
for business, industry, self-employment, loans, and market opportunities for
BCs. Budget allocations for BCs should increase; sub-programs should be
introduced.
4.
Political Representation: Being a large segment of the population, BCs need reservation in
legislative assemblies. In women's bill provisions, one-third
reservation should also be allocated for BC women.
5.
Internal Justice Within BCs: The Mandal-Nair discussion reminds us of this. While preserving BC unity,
mechanisms must be developed to ensure justice reaches the most backward
groups. This brings special importance to the Rohini Commission,
established in 2017, which examined whether reservation benefits
are reaching OBCs equitably and how sub-categorization should be done if
needed. This commission submitted its report on July 31, 2023.
However, the Central Government's failure to take a final decision on this
report by 2026 remains a critical question before the social
justice movement. The Rohini Commission report should be implemented
immediately.
The Great
Message B.P. Mandal Gave Us
Social
justice is not charity; it is a right. Representation is not benevolence; it is a democratic right.
With the
spirit of Mandal, let us fight for social justice and create another Mandal
movement. Only then can Hisa (Share), Izzat (Self-respect), and Hukumat(Power) be realized.
Therefore, "Completing
Mandal" means not just caste census, education, employment,
economic empowerment, political representation, and social honor; it also means
providing a just share to the most backward groups within BCs.
Achieving equality in all sectors is the true tribute we can pay to B.P.
Mandal.
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