Political Power Is Achievable

 

By T.Chiranjeevulu, IAS (Ret), Founder & Chairman of BCIF ( BC Intellectuals Forum)

 

On August 9, 2026, a meeting was organized in Nalgonda district under the banner "Social Justice Struggle Yatra for BC Rights." At this event, the political landscape of Nalgonda district was unveiled.

This political landscape raises a serious question before us: Why do BCs, who form the majority of the population, remain a minority in political power?

Looking at the last 16 assembly elections in Nalgonda district, out of a total of 194 seats, BCs won only 19 seats — 9.65%. But according to the state's SEEEPEC (caste) survey, the BC population is 56%, while their political representation is only 9.65%. Even more surprising is that although there are 134 castes among BCs, only four castes have ever crossed the threshold of the assembly. 130 castes have never set foot in the assembly.

(While Reddys won 578 seats across the state in all 16 elections combined, 98 of those — 16.95% — came from Nalgonda district alone.)

Velamas won 13 seats, Brahmins 9, Kammas 5, Rajus 1, and Vaishyas 1. Dominant castes together secured 127 seats (65.5%). A total of 13 women were elected (6.70%), of whom 12 were Reddy women, and one was a BC woman — Kamalamma Yadav from Nakrekal.

Yadavas, who make up 11.82% of the population, got only 8 seats (4.1%); Goudas, at 9.55% of the population, got 7 seats (3.6%); Padmashalis got 3 seats; and Kurmas got only 1 seat.

On the other hand, a few dominant castes that together make up less than 10% of the district's population won about 65% of the assembly seats over the last 16 elections. This is not merely an electoral statistic — it is a mirror reflecting the enormous gap between population and power representation in our democracy.

What is the situation at the state level?

In Telangana, according to the SEEEPEC survey, BCs make up about 56.33% of the population. Out of a total of 1,741 seats contested in the last 16 assembly elections, BCs won only 277. Meanwhile, the Reddy community, which makes up only about 4.7% of the population, won 578 seats; Velamas, about 0.3% of the population, won 148 seats; Kammas won 73; and Brahmins won 127. Dominant social groups with small populations received political representation far in excess of their population share.

SCs and STs, because of constitutionally mandated reservations, receive representation in specific seats. But the situation for BCs is different — despite being a majority of the population, their share of political power remains very small.

Here, before blaming others, we must ask ourselves some questions. Why are BCs a minority in the assembly despite being a majority? Why don't BCs get seats even though BC votes are numerous? When the voters are our own people, why aren't the elected representatives our own people too?

This is a combination of many social, economic, political, and psychological factors.

1. Population strength → vote strength is not translating into power strength

Although BCs make up about 56% of the population, during elections BC votes get split across many parties and many candidates. As a result, a numerical majority in society does not become a political majority.

2. The BC vote has become a "party vote" rather than a "caste vote"

Many BC voters give priority to the party symbol, the personal influence of the leader, local relationships, welfare schemes, and election promises, rather than to a candidate from their own caste. In other words, the question "Which party is ours?" comes ahead of the question "Who gets our votes?"

3. Internal division among BCs is a major problem

BC is not a single caste — it is a broad category made up of many occupational and social castes. Each caste has its own local leadership, interests, and political affiliations. Because of this division, it has become difficult for 56% of the population to unite as a single political force. But there is a need to unite around certain common issues.

4. Dominant castes have strong economic-social networks

Communities that historically have strong social networks in land, business, education, financial resources, local institutions, and political relationships find it easier to field candidates, campaign, and mobilize resources during elections. So "organized strength" has a greater impact on elections than sheer population numbers.

5. BCs have leadership, but collective political leadership is lacking

Although there are talented leaders within the BC community, the key weakness is that they have not been brought together around a single social-political agenda. Individual leadership exists — but collective BC leadership is weak.

6. The mindset of "vote for whoever will win" rather than "our person must win"

This is a very important psychological factor. If a BC voter feels that a candidate from their own community has little chance of winning, they may vote for a stronger candidate out of the thought "my vote shouldn't be wasted." This creates a cycle: fear of losing → strategic voting → benefit to candidates from dominant groups.

7. The influence of money — Those who can spend heavily in elections get more opportunities; media platforms that shape public opinion are concentrated in a few hands; muscle power and political networks matter; political parties tend to give tickets to "winning horses"; long-standing political relationships and institutional strength play a role; there is inequality in ticket distribution, and BC candidates don't get a fair number of tickets — these are also contributing causes.

8. Lack of political unity among BCs — voting split along caste lines and party lines; gaps in leadership structure; failure to continuously build strong alternative leadership from the village level to the state level; lack of awareness about the value of one's vote; using votes for short-term benefits during elections while ignoring long-term political interests.

9. Voter consciousness — the first step toward BC political liberation

One key reason for the political backwardness of BCs is insufficient awareness of the value of their vote. A vote is not merely a right — it is power; it is the democratic weapon that determines our future.

BCs must recognize the value of their vote and think unitedly, setting aside differences of caste, region, and personal preference. In every election, instead of asking "who is the candidate," we should ask "what will this person do for social justice, BC rights, and political representation?"

We must think freely, without being swayed by money, caste, media influence, or temptations, and vote for our own future. "Our votes are ours — the seats should be ours too" must become not just a slogan but a political consciousness. BC organizations, intellectuals, and youth must together launch a voter-awareness movement in every village.

Let us elect representatives through our votes — let us secure our rights through our representatives — let us achieve social justice through political representation.

The vote is ours — the decision is ours! Our votes are ours — the seats should be ours too! The rights are ours — the power is ours too! This is the consciousness that must emerge.

9.  BCs must shed mental servitude

Many castes within the BC community must move beyond the limited thinking of "it's enough if we get our livelihood." We must think about why our lives are not changing. One of the main reasons for our backwardness is the lack of political power. The same hunger for political power that dominant castes have must also arise among BCs. Political power does not come as a favor from anyone — it must be earned through our numerical strength, unity, consciousness, and struggle. Our greatest strength is our numbers. If we can shape that numerical strength into political power, power will come into our hands. When power is in our hands, we can make our own decisions about our lives; we can shape the laws and policies we need; we can protect our own rights ourselves. That is why BCs must first shed mental servitude. "Our vote is our weapon — our vote is the foundation of our power." From now on, it should not be a mindset that accepts the dominance of others, but a political consciousness that lives with self-respect. The numerical strength is ours — the consciousness is ours — the unity is ours — the political power must be ours too!

10. Where reservations exist, the situation is different

Because SCs/STs have constitutionally reserved constituencies, there is an institutional safeguard for their representation. Since BCs do not have such constituency-based reservation in general assembly seats, they have ended up without representation. That is why they need reservations in the legislative bodies.

 

Gen Z — A New Force for Social Justice

The mobile phone in your hand has brought the world into your palm. Within seconds, you can learn about anything happening anywhere in the world. But are we learning about our own society?

Who were our ancestors? What were their occupations? Why are we economically, educationally, and politically backward? Why has our history, culture, and labor never received the recognition they deserve?

Gen Z must first ask, "What is our situation?" Then ask, "Why did this happen?" And finally think, "How do we change this?"

Our backwardness did not form in a single day. Problems like generations of exclusion from education, unequal resources, lack of economic opportunity, and lack of political representation have accumulated over time. So learn the data, learn the history, read the Constitution.

Politically, one question must always be asked: "Who is our vote making win? How much representation is our vote actually bringing us?"

Population strength → vote strength → political representation → this must become decision-making power.

Education is our first weapon. Education is not just for jobs — it is for questioning, for knowing our rights, for recognizing misinformation, and for deciding our own future.

Our ancestors' occupations were not small. Society was built on their labor. So Gen Z must document the history of our villages, the history of our occupations, and the struggles of our ancestors, and share them with the world.

Social justice is not hatred toward anyone. It is equality of opportunity, justice in representation, equality in dignity, and participation in development.

Change is possible only through Gen Z youth. Seize opportunities. Question injustice. Uphold constitutional values. Stand up for social justice. Rise to become guides for society.